教育學(xué)相關(guān)外文翻譯--教師和教學(xué)的地位和聲望 （節(jié)選）

1、<p>　　1590單詞，8800英文字符，3000漢字</p><p>　　出處：Hargreaves L. The status and prestige of teachers and teaching [M] International handbook of research on teachers and teaching. Springer US, 2009: 217-229. </

2、p><p><b>　　原文 </b></p><p>　　The status and prestige of teachers and teaching</p><p>　　Linda Hargreaves</p><p>　　Introduction </p><p>　　Teachers ar

3、e entrusted with the task of ensuring children’s intellectual growth and preparing each new generation to meet the challenge of the future. One might expect that such important work would enjoy high status and considerab

4、le respect and reward within any society, but as we shall see this is not always the case: while teachers in some countries enjoy high salaries and comfortable working conditions, elsewhere they may have to do two jobs i

5、n order to survive, or they may not have been pai</p><p>　　How Is Teachers’ Prestige Determined? </p><p>　　Several models and lists of the determinants of teachers’ occupational prestige exist a

6、nd we shall consider a few of them here. The common features of these models include socio-historical precedents, the size and nature of the teaching force, salaries and qualifications, image, knowledge and expertise. Ho

7、yle’s (2001) framework of hypothetical determinants of occupational prestige includes the inter-relationships between these separate elements. </p><p>　　Hoyle’s framework has three branches which stem from t

8、he fact that teachers’ clients are children, and culminate in their contributions to the image of teaching.</p><p>　　(i) The first branch refers to the nature of the teaching force. State education, in Engla

9、nd at least, resulted in a large, urgent and sustained need for teachers to supervise the nation’s children, and hence, because the size of the workforce limits teachers’ pay, compromised the socio-economic status and ac

10、ademic quality of potential teachers. It also resulted in large numbers of women being recruited into elementary school teaching. </p><p>　　(ii) The second, and middle, branch concerns the close but potentia

11、lly fragile relationship between teachers and their young clients. As these clients grow-up and leave school, so they leave their teachers behind, forever associating them with childhood rather than adulthood. The most s

12、ignificant impact on teachers’ status however, is the mere possibility that their clients could get out of control. Hoyle calls this ‘the most intractable barrier’ to enhanced prestige for teachers (p. 143) </p>&

13、lt;p>　　(iii) The third branch carries the ambiguities and diffuseness inherent in the goals of education itself, as teachers must not only train children in specific and measurable skills, but also, prepare them socia

14、lly, emotionally, and intellectually, for the myriad wide-ranging possibilities that might await them. This range places limits on the feasible level of specialisation in teachers’ professional knowledge and expertise. W

15、hile secondary teachers typically have a specialist subject area, teac</p><p>　　For Hoyle all three branches conspire to depress teachers’ occupational prestige. </p><p>　　Hoyle’s model accounts

16、 for the prestige of teaching in England, and recent research by Hargreaves et al. (2007) tended to confirm the view that having to control a class, and deal with difficult behaviour were the principal detractors from th

17、e attractiveness of teaching. Citations of teachers pay dropped from second (20%) to fourth (12%) most frequently mentioned detractor from the attractiveness of a teaching career between in 2003 and 2006. </p><

18、;p>　　Socio-historic factors may or may not provide a vantage point for teachers’ prestige. In England, for example, the urgent need for a huge workforce to educate the masses in 1870 resulted in the recruitment of any

19、one willing and able, and in the formation of the National Union of Teachers (NUT: originally the National Union of Elementary Teachers), determined to raise the status both of teachers and of education (Banks, 1971). In

20、 North America, Lortie (1975) refers to the teacher’s ‘special but s</p><p>　　This very high status is maintained today as Taiwanese teachers are drawn from the top 10% of junior high school graduates, and p

21、ass a highly competitive entrance examination. They enjoy salaries 25% higher than other graduates and have the option to retire at 50, on a pension equivalent to 75–95% of their full salary (Fwu & Wang, 2002). </

22、p><p>　　Hwang, Chang, and Kuo (2007) compared the social prestige of teachers in Taiwan, with those in the UK and US, noting the rapid turnover of teachers and relatively low graduate salaries in the west. They

23、 cite Wolfensberger’s (2000) model of the determinants of status, defined as the salaries, the image and competence of teachers, three factors that align with Hoyle’s three branches. The model suggests upward and downwar

24、d cycles of teacher prestige, dependent upon the academic calibre and socio-ec</p><p>　　In Finland, too, teachers’ enjoy high prestige, and unusually, primary teaching is a sought after, high status occupati

25、on. Malaty (2004) relates this to the transfer of responsibility for teaching basic skills from the church to the village primary school in 1921, such primary teachers became ‘the enlightening candle of each village’ (p.

26、 11). Then, in 1974 all primary teacher education was transferred to universities, heralding the present situation in which all teachers have Masters’ degrees. H</p><p>　　Hall and Langdon (2006) offer what m

27、ight be seen as a 21st century model of status determinants derived from their research on teachers’ status in New Zealand. They found that in ‘the “old days”… … status was accorded more to those who were “pillars of the

28、 community” which sometimes included the local teacher … … people seen as having the power to influence society’, but nowadays, status depends on people having some form of exclusivity, or image which differentiates them

29、 from ‘ordinary folks’ (</p><p>　　Finally, pursuing what Turner (1988) defines as American thinking on the determinants of status, teachers’ subjective status may have a contribution to make to their prestig

30、e. In England, teachers’ persistently negative perceptions of their status, and universal but out-of-date conviction that they have a negative image in the press, may exert a depressing effect on their prestige (Hargreav

31、es et al., 2007). On the other hand, good facilities and buildings undoubtedly enhanced their subjective st</p><p><b>　　譯文 </b></p><p>　　教師和教學(xué)的地位和聲望 </p><p><b>　　琳

32、達(dá) . 哈格里夫</b></p><p><b>　　簡(jiǎn)介</b></p><p>　　老師的職責(zé)之一就是要確保每個(gè)新生代兒童的智力能夠得到良好的發(fā)展，以準(zhǔn)備迎接未來的挑戰(zhàn)。有人可能認(rèn)為，教師從事的是這樣重要的工作，那么他們將獲得較高的社會(huì)地位和相當(dāng)大的尊重和獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)。但是我們應(yīng)當(dāng)看到現(xiàn)實(shí)情況卻并非總是如此，在一些國家，當(dāng)教師享受著高薪、舒適的工作環(huán)境，但是他

33、們可能是在社會(huì)上從事著兼職，做兩份工作，才有可能實(shí)現(xiàn)。教師中，有很多人甚至可能幾個(gè)月都沒收到工資了。幸運(yùn)的是，正如洛爾蒂 1975 年所指出的，教師群體都比較傾向于尋求精神方面的獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)，他們都想要給孩子一個(gè)好的開始，無論是在他們的生活還是學(xué)習(xí)中，學(xué)生得到進(jìn)步了，那么作為他 們的授課教師，他們?cè)诰裆暇秃軡M足，而不是物質(zhì)獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)。不幸的是，霍伊爾(2001 年)指出，英國工黨政府決心提高教師的形象、士氣和地位等。認(rèn)為教師與孩子之間的融洽關(guān)系是一

34、個(gè)棘手的障礙，這阻礙了改善教師的聲望的努力。在這一章里，我們將進(jìn)一步探索這些問題，從地位和威望的定義開始，接著分析教師聲望和地位的現(xiàn)狀，以及各種政策的影響，最后是對(duì)教學(xué)地位的分析。 教師聲望的決定因素？ </p><p>　　有幾個(gè)模型和許多主導(dǎo)因素都可以反映教師的職業(yè)聲望，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)在這里要重點(diǎn)分析并考慮到這些因素。這些模型的共同特征是，它們都包括教學(xué)水平和性質(zhì)、工資和學(xué)歷、教師的形象、知識(shí)和專業(yè)教學(xué)技能等?；粢?/p>

35、爾(2001)的框架模型，就假設(shè)職業(yè)聲望的影響因素主要包括：這些單獨(dú)的元素之間有著相互的關(guān)系。 </p><p>　　霍伊爾的分析框架包含三個(gè)分支理論觀點(diǎn)，他的理論分析框架的立足點(diǎn)主要是基于這樣的一個(gè)事實(shí):教師的客戶是孩子，和孩子們保持一個(gè)良好的關(guān)系，這也是他們所獲得的最佳教學(xué)形象。 </p><p>　　第一個(gè)分支理論觀點(diǎn)指的是教學(xué)工作的本質(zhì)。國家教育，至少在英國，國家需要一大批有責(zé)任感

36、的教師能夠培養(yǎng)輔導(dǎo)本國的孩子們。因此，由于不同教師的教育水平不同，導(dǎo)致這些教師的工資水平也都是不盡相同的。這就損害了某些教師的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)地位和潛在的教育質(zhì)量。這也導(dǎo)致了大量的女性被招募進(jìn)小學(xué)擔(dān)任小學(xué)教師。 </p><p>　　第二個(gè)分支問題主要說的是教師與孩子們之間的潛在的脆弱關(guān)系。隨著這些孩子們的逐漸成長(zhǎng)，離開學(xué)校后，所以他們離開他們的 老師，永遠(yuǎn)地將這些與童年時(shí)期聯(lián)系到一起，到了成年后，基本都不太重視了。提高

37、教師聲望的最重要的影響，就是可能會(huì)惡化教師與學(xué)生之間的關(guān)系。霍伊爾稱之為提高教師地位和聲望的最棘手的障礙。 </p><p>　　第三個(gè)分支理論觀點(diǎn)，則有固有的歧義和不確切的教育的目標(biāo)，作為教師，不僅要訓(xùn)練孩子的虛席能力，教授他們知識(shí)，培養(yǎng)他們的能力，但同時(shí)，也要照顧到他們?cè)谏鐣?huì)生活中的情感、智力等方面的發(fā)展，因此，教師的職責(zé)重大。而這些都可能會(huì)限制教師的專業(yè)知識(shí)和專業(yè)技能的發(fā)揮。雖然中學(xué)教師通常有一個(gè)自己所拿手

38、的專業(yè)領(lǐng)域。但是教育孩子的老師往往是多面手，什么都能教一點(diǎn)，但是可能很難教導(dǎo)專業(yè)的知識(shí)給這些孩子。 </p><p>　　對(duì)霍伊爾來說，主要有三個(gè)方面的因素抑制了教師的職業(yè)聲望。在霍伊爾的模型中，在英格蘭，教學(xué)的本身責(zé)任占教師聲望聲望的最大比例，哈格里夫斯等人 2007 年的最近的研究，傾向于認(rèn)為加強(qiáng)對(duì)學(xué)生的控制固然能夠提高教師的聲望，但是也會(huì)破壞教師與學(xué)生之間的關(guān)系，這也受到了很多評(píng)論家的批評(píng)。教師工資從第二(

39、20%)下降到第四個(gè)(12%)。 </p><p>　　還有一個(gè)很重要的因素也會(huì)限制教師地位和聲望，在英國，由于其社會(huì)歷史原因，可能不會(huì)為提高教師的地位和聲望做出太大的努力，由于其社會(huì)歷史因素，在英國，迫切需要一個(gè)巨大的教師資源，來教育孩子們，這導(dǎo)致在 1870 年，招聘了大量的教師，教師人數(shù)很多，一些核心教師的優(yōu)勢(shì)就難以顯示出來，地位和聲望也難以確立。現(xiàn)在，英國政府決心提高教師的地位和聲望。而在北美，洛爾蒂(1

40、975) 指出乎。教師有著陰影的地方，由于其殖民傳統(tǒng)。相比之下，王等人在臺(tái)灣地區(qū)，發(fā)現(xiàn)當(dāng)?shù)氐慕處煹牡匚欢己芨?，這主要是因?yàn)樵谥袊膫鹘y(tǒng)文化中，教師是一個(gè)很神圣的職業(yè)，受到各界人士、包括皇帝和家長(zhǎng)的認(rèn)同，認(rèn)為他們有特權(quán)去以自己的方式去教學(xué)，教師的聲望也很高。 </p><p>　　臺(tái)灣教師這么高的聲望和地位，主要是他們中，10%的是初中畢業(yè)，并通過一個(gè)高度競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的入學(xué)考試。他們享受的工資比其他畢業(yè)生高 25%，并且可

41、以選擇在 50 歲退休，退休金相當(dāng)于 75 - 95%的全額工資。 </p><p>　　黃、張、郭(2007)指出，臺(tái)灣教師的社會(huì)聲望，與英國和美國的那些教師相比，他們的薪水更高，且聲望也很高。他們引用沃夫伯格(2000)的模型，認(rèn)為教師地位的決定因素，主要受到以下幾個(gè)因素的影響，分別是薪水、教師的形象和教學(xué)能力這三個(gè)因素，上述所說的三個(gè)分支理論。教師聲望的樹立，依賴于新教師的學(xué)術(shù)水準(zhǔn)和社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展水平。因此

42、，在教師地位和聲望上升的過程中，對(duì)教師也提出了更高的準(zhǔn)入要求，更高的薪水是和更高質(zhì)量的教育質(zhì)量相匹配的。高聲望和地位將吸引候選人更積極地從事教師行業(yè)，并享有更高的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)地位，從而進(jìn)一步提高教師的聲望。不幸的是，他們認(rèn)為，英國和美國的部分地區(qū)，似乎陷入了惡性循環(huán)。比如：最近美國的為教而教，以及英國的教育優(yōu)先政策，其教師的來源主要是來自頂尖大學(xué)的畢業(yè)生，這可以帶來教師地位和聲望的一個(gè)上升期，因?yàn)樾７揭惨恢毕氤晒Φ亓糇∵@些教師。(哈欽斯、梅

43、耶、 門迪科、蒙特和斯瑪 特，2006；沃夫斯特德，2008)。 </p><p>　　而在芬蘭，教師享有異常高的威望，在該國，教學(xué)是一種追求，是一個(gè)社會(huì)地位相當(dāng)高的職業(yè)。馬拉提(2004)認(rèn)為，這與教學(xué)基本技能的轉(zhuǎn)移是相關(guān)的。1921 年，這樣的小學(xué)教師成為了“每個(gè)村民的孩子的啟蒙老師”。然后，在 1974 年，所有的小學(xué)教師都被轉(zhuǎn)移到大學(xué)，這預(yù)示所有教師都有碩士學(xué)位。他還指出良好的工作條件、福利、以及在課程決

44、策上的自主權(quán)、自由等等，都使得該國的教師很瘦歡迎。父母也信任教師支持孩子的成長(zhǎng)。矛盾的是，芬蘭人的數(shù)學(xué)沒有視覺藝術(shù)、音樂、體育等重要，數(shù)學(xué)課程每周相對(duì)較少。因?yàn)橐恍┤苏J(rèn)為婦女教師的高比例（如：巴斯滕,1997;霍伊爾,2001 年)，值得注意的是，在芬蘭，婦女享有更高的地位，相比于其他地方來說 (劉易斯,1988)。 </p><p>　　霍爾和蘭登(2006)提出了 21 世紀(jì)的聲望影響因素模型，他們的研究來自

45、于對(duì)新西蘭教師地位的研究。他們發(fā)現(xiàn)，在以往，教師被視為社區(qū)教育的“支柱”之一……人們認(rèn)為這些權(quán)力也影響著社會(huì)。但現(xiàn)在，這一地位取決于人們擁有某種形式的能力，以區(qū)別于普通老百姓?；魻柡吞m登指出了當(dāng)今教師地位的驅(qū)動(dòng)因素，包含：即權(quán)力、金錢和名望，認(rèn)為，至少是其中之一，影響了教師在社區(qū)里的地位和聲望。技能、培訓(xùn)和專業(yè)知識(shí)對(duì)個(gè)人的影響力是很重要的，當(dāng)自己存在不足時(shí)，就需要通過這些次要的影響因素來提高自身的地位。教師不是最高地位的職業(yè)，因?yàn)榻處煹?/p>

46、權(quán)力已經(jīng)受到侵蝕了，比不上醫(yī)生、政客或?qū)I(yè)運(yùn)動(dòng)員。教學(xué)是不可能讓一個(gè)人變得很著名，即使其地位很高。 </p><p>　　最后，特納(1988)認(rèn)為，美國式思維狀態(tài)是另一個(gè)決定該國教師地位和聲望的影響因素，教師追求提升其地位的主觀行為，可能有助于提高他們的聲望。在英國，教師持續(xù)地對(duì)其社會(huì)身份保持一個(gè)負(fù)面的感知，以及普遍弟弟堅(jiān)守著過時(shí)的信念，導(dǎo)致他們?cè)诿襟w上也是一個(gè)負(fù)面形象，這對(duì)于他們聲望而言，可能產(chǎn)生一個(gè)令人沮喪