外文翻譯--房屋政策——福利與經(jīng)濟發(fā)展之間的聯(lián)系（節(jié)選）

1、<p>　　1900單詞，10500英文字符，2800漢字</p><p>　　出處：Weesep J V. Housing policy – the link between welfare and economic development[J]. Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, 2000, 15(2):165-181.</p>

2、<p><b>　　原文：</b></p><p>　　Housing policy</p><p>　　——the link between welfare and economic development</p><p>　　1.Introduction</p><p>　　The expansion o

3、f the housing stock has been one of the most visible changes in European cities in recent decades; new homes and new residential areas dominate many of the urban landscapes. The increase in the number of homes reflects t

4、he development of the economy and the steadily rising level of affluence，as well as the so-called second demographic transition that has resulted in an unprecedented growth of the number of households. This increase read

5、ily translated into demand for housing. In so</p><p>　　2.Changing modes of regulation</p><p>　　In Northwestern Europe，housing has long been considered crucial to the well being of nations. Conse

6、quently，the provision of affordable housing of good quality enjoyed high priority. The extent to which that policy agenda has been put into practice is visible in the composition of the housing stock and is tangible in t

7、he availability of housing subsidies. Because housing market regulation was meant to ensure fair access at a reasonable price，it has favored low income groups. Thus，social housing a</p><p>　　3.Characteristic

8、s of the new economy</p><p>　　The population of European cities has also become increasingly diversified. During the past few decades，longevity，affluence，women’s emancipation，and other sociocultural developm

9、ents have led to an increase in the number of the elderly，a rise in divorce rates，a drop in birth rates，a (relative) decline in the number of families with children，and a concomitant increase in the number of single pers

10、ons and two-person households. Demographic change alters the sociodemographic profile of the sitting po</p><p>　　4.Housing as a competitive advantage in the new economy</p><p>　　Economic geograp

11、hy treatslocations as production environments，comprising all the external conditions that affect the functioning of a firm. Some of these are closely tied to the production process itself，offering the inputs that determ

12、ine profitability. In the new global service economy，such inputs are widely available: human capital can be created locally，while other inputs can be moved cheaply to any site.</p><p>　　Several crucial locat

13、ion factors appear to be largely beyond the reach of policy，which means that the success of intervention must be related to secondary factors. Because most places now meet the basic requirements of firms，other characteri

14、stics will tilt the scales. Though these factors may be unrelated to the requirements of the production process itself，they still count，albeit in less tangible ways. The cities that were successfully restructured offered

15、 the private sector secondary yet signi</p><p>　　5.Housing and the economy</p><p>　　Most cities offer a wide range of housing with respect to size，price，type，and amenities. Housing is more than

16、shelter. It also provides the occupants with an opportunity to cultivate a desired lifestyle. Its location determines opportunities for work and access to services and facilities. Many people are sensitive to the physica

17、l and social characteristics of a residential environment when they choose a place to live. The rocketing-up of commercial housing standards further deprives low-income h</p><p>　　The neighborhood influences

18、 the quality of life and the social status of the residents. Neighborhoods are also important as frameworks for social interaction; some people therefore prefer the liveliness of mixed neighborhoods，others the protection

19、 of living ‘a(chǎn)mong their own kind’. As urban populations become increasingly diversified，more people seek to protect themselves from conflictual situations by withdrawing into the privacy of close knit communities，with or

20、 without gates to lock the rest o</p><p>　　The preliminary outcomes of the research support the assumption that housing and property in general can influence the competitiveness of cities through direct and

21、indirect effects. For instance，migration decisions of individuals based on the strength of their position in the housing market affect the availability of skills in cities，which in turn affect productivity and unit labor

22、 costs. These effects are reinforced by the impact of housing on commuting patterns. The authors of the report under</p><p>　　6.Housing and social equity</p><p>　　How and why high-density living

23、 has started out as the provision of basic housing needs and has，over time，evolved into a sophisticated political and social engineering process associated with a model of sustainable housing merits further investigation

24、. Economic development creates policy dilemmas. A particularly compelling one for today’s cities results from their ongoing push for economic transformation. Local governments react to the changing reality of the new eco

25、nomy by promoting economic re</p><p>　　7.Conclusions</p><p>　　In any society，housing its population is a complex and multi-faceted issue. In the implementation of housing policies，sufficient la

26、nd and funding alone cannot guarantee success. In Singapore，careful matching of administrative and technical capacity to the scale of the programme，setting and implementing social and environmental objectives and measure

27、s as well as linking them with viable economic operations are needed to achieve sustainable housing development in three dimensions: social，economic</p><p>　　With the legislative provisions，a public land ban

28、k has been built up for comprehensive and cohesive development. This has been supported by another mechanism – the Central Provident Fund，which has proved instrumental in realising over 85 percent of home ownership. The

29、comprehensive and integrated new town planning and development process has provided a total environment for home，work，and play in tandem with the sustained economic growth over the last four decades. Though sustainable p

30、ublic housi</p><p>　　Where housing competes with other policy fields for limited resources，housing officials are often called upon to demonstrate the benefits of invest- ment in housing. At present，local aut

31、horities seem to be preoccupied with the task of revitalizing and restructuring the local economy. They have less interest in the provision of public goods and investments that serve consumption; instead，they feel that e

32、nsuring municipal revenues has to take precedence over spending. Yet，by extension of the argum</p><p>　　It is up to policy-makers to show that there are still rational grounds for equity policies，particularl

33、y in housing. The new ‘hands off’ policy may undermine the economic transformation itself because it would，defacto，condone the existing social contrasts in urban areas. The flow of new investment may falter where the ine

34、quities increase between different population segments，between neighborhoods in the city，between the city and its suburbs. Inequity makes it difficult to define common interests</p><p>　　Yet，there is no part

35、icular need to reinstate the social housing programs of the past. Other，less ambitious solutions can diminish social inequality in an area. But these must be designed to fuel the flow of investment. Good housing in attra

36、ctive neighborhoods can prompt investment by the private sector. Poor housing conditions，in contrast，are a strong indicator of social exclusion and of conflict. They must be avoided，as they transmit one clear message: th

37、ese are not the places where new investm</p><p><b>　　譯文：</b></p><p>　　房屋政策——福利與經(jīng)濟發(fā)展之間的聯(lián)系</p><p><b>　　1.簡介</b></p><p>　　房屋存量的擴大是歐洲城市近數(shù)十年來最引人注目的變化

38、之一，新的家園和新住宅區(qū)占據(jù)了眾多城市景觀。房屋數(shù)量的增加反映了經(jīng)濟的發(fā)展和富裕水平穩(wěn)步上升，以及所謂的第二次人口過渡，一個家庭的數(shù)量空前增長的結(jié)果很容易轉(zhuǎn)化為住房的需求。在一些國家，特別是在西北歐的人口結(jié)構(gòu)的變化比其他地方來得早，也有顯著的變化的政策反應(yīng)，這取決于國家的文化和政治傳統(tǒng)，以及對國家經(jīng)濟變幻莫測發(fā)展的預(yù)測。但無論國家采取了怎么樣的調(diào)控國家福利的模式，住房是一個重大政策的組成部分。在西北歐，目前的住房存量超過六成是在1945

39、年后建成（菲德斯和德爾曼，1996）。在這種形式下，依然擺在政治議程下的是建筑多已補貼維修，以及需要巨額資金來完善住宅建設(shè)方案。</p><p><b>　　2.監(jiān)管模式的轉(zhuǎn)變</b></p><p>　　在西北歐，住房歷來被認為是各國的至關(guān)重要的福利。因此，優(yōu)質(zhì)的經(jīng)濟適用住房的規(guī)定享有高度的重視。在住房結(jié)構(gòu)中可見，提供住房補貼的程度在政策議程已付諸實施。因為住房市場

40、的調(diào)控，是為了確保低收入群體以合理公平的價格獲得。因此，在瑞典和荷蘭社會住房占一半以上是1950年以后的新建筑。這兩個國家與其他地方一樣在住宅建設(shè)的補貼上降低了成本，而住房支出由房屋津貼承受。對于那些沒有資格獲得這樣的直接利益的也有稅收減免，降低住房成本。除了財政補貼，許多歐洲國家花費巨資對住房進行直接的補貼，1985年在瑞典和荷蘭，這些補貼達國民生產(chǎn)總值的百分之二多（菲德斯和德爾曼，1996）。 3.新經(jīng)濟的特征</p&

41、gt;<p>　　歐洲城市的人口也日趨多樣化。在過去的幾十年里，長壽、富裕、婦女的解放和其他社會文化發(fā)展導(dǎo)致了老人的數(shù)量增加，離婚率的上升，出生率的下降，在有子女的家庭數(shù)目（相對）下降，并在單身人士和二人家庭數(shù)量隨之增加。人口統(tǒng)計的變化改變了社會人口的特征，并影響人口分布和遷移（查爾賓，1994年）的模式。因此，城市人口處處表現(xiàn)出了家庭規(guī)模，家庭結(jié)構(gòu)和生活方式的改變，它們包括“城鎮(zhèn)居民”以及“世界主義者”。在北歐國家，高收

42、入的家庭往往傾向于郊區(qū)的生活方式。但是這些“野心家”和“消費者”（貝爾，1968年）又回到了上世紀80年代和90年代城市住房市場。單身工作人員和雙重職業(yè)家庭喜歡住在接近他們在城市工作的地方，要充分利用附近的設(shè)施和服務(wù)的各種優(yōu)勢。但即使在這些群體中，有一個在郊區(qū)單戶住宅（范肯普等，1994年）偏好越來越多。所有這些不同的趨勢變成復(fù)雜的城市和不斷轉(zhuǎn)變的社會萬花筒。</p><p>　　4.房屋作為競爭優(yōu)勢的新經(jīng)濟&l

43、t;/p><p>　　經(jīng)濟地理環(huán)境視為生產(chǎn)地點，包括所有影響一個企業(yè)運作的外部條件。其中有些是生產(chǎn)過程本身緊密相關(guān)的提供輸入，決定盈利能力。在新的全球服務(wù)經(jīng)濟中，這種投入被廣泛使用：人力資本可以在本地創(chuàng)建，而其他的投入可以移動到任何便宜的站點。幾個關(guān)鍵位置的因素似乎超出了政策范圍，這意味著成功的干預(yù)必須與次要因素較大。由于目前大部分地方基本滿足企業(yè)的要求等特點，將天平傾斜。雖然這些因素與生產(chǎn)過程本身的要求可能無關(guān)，盡

44、管用那么不太具體方式，但他們?nèi)匀挥嫈?shù)。已成功改制的私營部門提供二次但重要的資產(chǎn)，城市中的小插曲，如本文開頭提及的那些。良好的住房和有吸引力的居住環(huán)境不是這些資產(chǎn)中最小的（帕金森等，1992）。</p><p><b>　　5.住房和經(jīng)濟</b></p><p>　　大多數(shù)城市提供房屋關(guān)于尺寸、價格、類型和設(shè)施的范圍。它還提供了一個機會，以培養(yǎng)居民所需的生活方式的。它的

45、位置決定了工作機會和獲得的服務(wù)和設(shè)施。許多人選擇居住的地方時對居住環(huán)境的物質(zhì)和社會特征很敏感。鄰居影響著生活質(zhì)量和居民的社會地位。居民區(qū)也作為重要的社會互動的框架，有些人因此更喜歡活潑的混合社區(qū)，他人生活在自己同類的保護中。隨著城市人口的日益多樣化，越來越多的人尋求保護，撤回到?jīng)_突局勢的隱私之間關(guān)系親密無間的社區(qū)。住宅的隔離程度很能說明一個社會的性質(zhì)。</p><p>　　這項研究的初步成果支持這一假設(shè)，前提是住

46、房和一般屬性可以通過直接影響和間接影響城市的競爭力。例如，個人移徙對他們在住房市場上的地位實力的決定影響了城市的能力，而這反過來影響生產(chǎn)力和單位勞工成本的可用性。該報告的作者們強調(diào)指出，累積因果關(guān)系可能會導(dǎo)致部分地區(qū)的城市之間進一步的分歧。但他們也認為這一趨勢可以逆轉(zhuǎn)的。對可以導(dǎo)致失業(yè)人口和城市環(huán)境整治可以有一個條件，隨著時間的推移強大的累積效應(yīng)。</p><p><b>　　6.住房和社會公平<

47、/b></p><p>　　隨著時間的推移，高密度的生活如何以及為什么作為基本住房需要的供給，演變成為復(fù)雜的政策和社會管理過程，它與一種可持續(xù)的住房特點的進一步研究聯(lián)系在一起。經(jīng)濟發(fā)展創(chuàng)造政策難題。對于當(dāng)今的城市，一個特別引人注目的結(jié)果是他們對經(jīng)濟轉(zhuǎn)型的持續(xù)推動。地方政府應(yīng)對新經(jīng)濟的不斷變化的現(xiàn)實，促進經(jīng)濟結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整。他們的政策目的是為當(dāng)?shù)鼐用裆a(chǎn)效益。但更難推動城市改造其經(jīng)濟，更多的社會不平等是可能的結(jié)果。

48、然后，城市要面對這一切競爭空間，將在沖突達成的行動過程中，最可能廣泛地協(xié)議社會團體。該政策的城市面臨的困境是，他們要成長，但沒有成長的痛苦。</p><p><b>　　7.結(jié)論</b></p><p>　　在任何社會，解決居民的住房問題都是一個復(fù)雜和多層面的問題。在制定住房政策時，僅有足夠的土地和資金并不能保證成功。在新加坡，為了實現(xiàn)可持續(xù)發(fā)展的住房政策，即兼顧社會

49、、經(jīng)濟、環(huán)境三個方面，要求對項目的規(guī)模進行管理評估和技術(shù)評估，制定和實施社會和環(huán)境目標和措施，包括將他們與各種經(jīng)濟運籌聯(lián)系。</p><p>　　在住房與其他政策領(lǐng)域，官員經(jīng)常呼吁有限的資源競爭，以證明房屋投資的好處。目前，地方當(dāng)局似乎與振興地方經(jīng)濟和結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整的任務(wù)斤斤計較。他們不是通過增加公共物品的消費和投資，來提供公共服務(wù)的質(zhì)量，相反，他們認為確保市政收入優(yōu)先于公共支出。然而，將他們的論點進行擴展，我們會發(fā)現(xiàn)

50、對房屋的投資，可以促進社會住房的公平，還能刺激當(dāng)?shù)亟?jīng)濟，產(chǎn)生經(jīng)濟效益。這樣老市區(qū)居民就能由貧富差距的兩個世界成功地適應(yīng)新的經(jīng)濟現(xiàn)實區(qū)域，它們就不再是新富人是工作場所和的游樂場，以及炫耀性消費的生活方式。同時，這些地方的特點是在街頭腐爛的弱勢族群的人少了。在福利國家的意識形態(tài)下，催生了大量的社會住房計劃，這類轉(zhuǎn)變就是分享經(jīng)濟轉(zhuǎn)型帶來的利益了。但是，福利國家的再分配已經(jīng)輸給了理想的“雄厚投注自由”的概念。</p><p&

51、gt;　　它是由決策者表明，仍然有合理理由的平等政策，特別是在住房。新的“放手”的政策可能會破壞經(jīng)濟轉(zhuǎn)型本身，因為事實上它會縱容現(xiàn)行的社會在城市地區(qū)對比。新的投資流動可能動搖那里的不同人口群體之間的不平等現(xiàn)象的增加，在城市的鄰里之間和城市及其郊區(qū)之間。不平等使人們難以確定共同的利益，在人口眾多地區(qū)可以跨越政府以及私營部門聯(lián)盟的創(chuàng)建。而這樣的聯(lián)盟，都需要重建對經(jīng)濟的增長和城市建設(shè)的可持續(xù)發(fā)展策略。只要住房計劃早有助于財富的再分配，它們有助

52、于經(jīng)濟的長期重建的成功。</p><p>　　然而，沒有特別需要恢復(fù)過去的社會住房項目。其實，那么雄心勃勃的解決方案可以減少在一個地區(qū)的社會不平等現(xiàn)象。但這些都必須旨在助長投資的流動。有吸引力的社區(qū)的良好住房迅速由私營部門投資。相反,住房條件差是一種社會排斥的有力指標和沖突，他們必須避免，因為他們傳遞一個明確的信息：這些都不是新的安全的投資地方。當(dāng)計算出了一個城市的成功方程式，住房不應(yīng)該是福利和經(jīng)濟發(fā)展之間的缺失