[雙語翻譯]養(yǎng)老外文翻譯—英國的積極老齡化、養(yǎng)老金和退休（原文）

1、Active Ageing, Pensions and Retirement in the UKLiam Foster1Received: 4 November 2016 /Accepted: 6 March 2017 /Published online: 18 March 2017 # The Author(s) 2017. This article is published with open access at Springerl

2、ink.comAbstract The ageing population has led to increasing concerns about pensions and their future sustainability. Much of the dominant policy discourse around ageing and pension provision over the last decade has focu

3、ssed on postponing retirement and prolonging employment. These measures are central to productive notions of ‘a(chǎn)ctive ageing’. Initially the paper briefly sets out the pension developments in the UK. Then it introduces ac

4、tive ageing and active ageing policy, exploring its implications for UK pension provision. It demonstrates that a more comprehensive active ageing frame- work, which incorporates a life-course perspective, has the potent

5、ial to assist the UK to respond to the challenges of an ageing population. In doing so it needs to highlight older people as an economic and social resource, and reduce barriers to older people’s participation in society

6、.Keywords Active ageing . Extending working lives . UK . Longevity. PensionsIntroductionThe world’s population is ageing. The number of people aged 65 or older worldwide is projected to grow from 524 million in 2010 to n

7、early 1.5 billion in 2050 (World Health Organisation 2012). The age-based dependency ratio is also changing: in Europe there are four people of working age for every person over 65 and by 2060 there will be only two (Eur

8、opean Commission 2010). In the UK it is estimated that the population aged over 65 will grow twice as fast as the working age population, accounting for 24% of the population by 2037 (Office for National Statistics 2015)

9、. This process of demographic ageing with the accompanying shifts in the ratio of social security contributors to recipients poses a significant challenge to the sustainability of pensions (Hofäcker 2015).Population

10、 Ageing (2018) 11:117–132 DOI 10.1007/s12062-017-9181-7* Liam Foster L.Foster@sheffield.ac.uk1 Department of Sociological Studies, University of Sheffield, Elmfield Building, Northumberland Road, Sheffield S10 2TU, UKAge

11、ing and NeoliberalismIn the 1970s there was substantial change in public discourses on ageing. Policy-makers started to question the cost of population ageing. The rising influence of neoliberalism had a considerable rol

12、e in these ideological developments. The neoliberal ideology challenged whether the government should provide pensions above a minimum and promoted the role of individual responsibility and markets in providing for indiv

13、idual needs. Retrenchment was justified through a dominant hegemonic narrative of a ‘pen- sion crisis’ in order to enact pension reform along free market principles (Moulaert and Biggs 2012; Macnicol 2015; Grady 2016). N

14、eoliberals asserted that population ageing would have the effect of overwhelming public pension systems, proving unsustainable and creating unfair tax burdens on working age citizens (Foster 2010). For instance, under th

15、e Thatcher government ‘sweeping neoliberal claims about unaffordable public spending, and the alleged macro-economic disutilities of public pensions were used to legitimate retrenchment’ (Street and Ginn 2001, p. 42). In

16、 1980, the indexation of state pensions was made less generous and the Social Security Act (1986) modified the Social Security Pensions Act (1975) undermining the redistributive effect of the State Earnings- Related Pens

17、ion Scheme (SERPS) (an additional state pension for those making partic- ular levels of NI contributions which members of occupational pensions could contract out of). New Labour continued to emphasise the importance of

18、private pension provision but advocated an increased role for means-testing in the form of the Pension Credit, an income related pension top up for those below a specific income. More recently the introduction of auto-en

19、rolment in pensions (discussed later) has further enhanced indi- vidual responsibility in relation to pensions (Ginn and Macintyre 2013).An Active Ageing FrameworkThe concept of active ageing, which lacks a precise unive

20、rsally agreed definition, is a relatively new one, achieving widespread currency only in the past 20 years, largely due to the WHO. It emerged at a time when many countries began to restructure their old age income secur

21、ity systems in response to the challenges presented by an ageing population. These changes also fitted with principles of the active ageing framework which ‘portrayed an active role for older people’ (Walker 2009, p. 79)

22、. The emergence of active ageing can be traced back to the activity perspective in the US, during the early 1960s, as the antithesis of disengagement, the mutual withdrawal between ageing persons and society (Foster and

23、Walker 2015). Cumming and Henry (1961) assumed disengagement to be universal and inevitable. However, this theory was criticised as it largely ignored older adults’ perceptions about what engagement entailed, enforcing a

24、 deficit model (Hochschild 1975). At that time the key to ‘successful ageing’ was perceived as the continuation of activity in older age (Havighurst 1961; Rowe and Kahn 1987). This approach was predicated on reductionist

25、 aims and had the effect of placing an unrealistic expectation on individuals in older age to maintain levels of activity associated with middle age, disregarding functional limitations. Thus, it failed to acknowledge th

26、e heterogeneous nature of older age. Productive ageing followed in the US a decade later, focussing on ‘a(chǎn)ny activity by an older individual that produces goods or services, or develops the capacity to produce goods or se