集群和新競(jìng)爭(zhēng)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)外文翻譯

1、<p><b>　　中文4020字</b></p><p>　　畢業(yè)論文（設(shè)計(jì)）外文翻譯</p><p><b>　　一、外文原文</b></p><p>　　標(biāo)題：CLUSTERS AND THE NEW ECONOMICS OF COMPETITION</p><p><b>

2、;　　原文：</b></p><p>　　What Is a Cluster?</p><p>　　Clusters are geographic concentrations of interconnected companies and institutions in a particular field. Clusters encompass an array of li

3、nked industries and other entities important to competition. They include, for example, suppliers of specialized inputs such as components, machinery, and services, and providers of specialized infrastructure. Clusters a

4、lso often extend downstream to channels and customers and laterally to manufacturers of complementary products and to companies in industrie</p><p>　　The California wine cluster is a good example. It include

5、s 680 commercial wineries as well as several thousand independent wine grape growers. (See the exhibit “Anatomy of the California Wine Cluster.”) An extensive complement of industries supporting both wine making and grap

6、e growing exists, including suppliers of grape stock, irrigation and harvesting equipment, barrels, and labels; specialized public relations and advertising firms; and numerous wine publications aimed at consumer and tra

7、de </p><p>　　Consider also the Italian leather fashion cluster, which contains well-known shoe companies such as Ferragamo and Gucci as well as a host of specialized suppliers of footwear components, machine

8、ry, molds, design services, and tanned leather. (See the exhibit “Mapping the Italian Leather Fashion Cluster.”) It also consists of several chains of related industries, including those producing different types of leat

9、her goods (linked by common inputs and technologies) and different types of footwear (</p><p>　　A cluster’s boundaries are defined by the linkages and complementarities across industries and institutions tha

10、t are most important to competition. Although clusters often fit within political boundaries, they may cross state or even national borders. In the United States, for example, a pharmaceuticals cluster straddles New Jers

11、ey and Pennsylvania near Philadelphia. Similarly, a chemicals cluster in Germany crosses over into German-speaking Switzerland.</p><p>　　Clusters rarely conform to standard industrial classification systems,

12、 which fail to capture many important actors and relationships in competition. Thus significant clusters may be obscured or even go unrecognized. In Massachusetts, for example, more than 400 companies, representing at le

13、ast 39,000 high-paying jobs, are involved in medical devices in some way. The cluster long remained all but invisible, however, buried within larger and overlapping industry categories such as electronic equipm</p>

14、<p>　　Clusters promote both competition and cooperation. Rivals compete intensely to win and retain customers. Without vigorous competition, a cluster will fail. Yet there is also cooperation, much of it vertical,

15、 involving companies in related industries and local institutions. Competition can coexist with cooperation because they occur on different dimensions and among different players.</p><p>　　Clusters represent

16、 a kind of new spatial organizational form in between arm’s-length markets on the one hand and hierarchies, or vertical integration, on the other. A cluster, then, is an alternative way of organizing the value chain. Com

17、pared with market transactions among dispersed and random buyers and sellers, the proximity of companies and institutions in one location – and the repeated exchanges among them– fosters better coordination and trust. Th

18、us clusters mitigate the problems inherent</p><p>　　Why Clusters Are Critical to Competition</p><p>　　Modern competition depends on productivity, not on access to inputs or the scale of individu

19、al enterprises. Productivity rests on how companies compete, not on the particular fields they compete in. Companies can be highly productive in any industry – shoes, agriculture, or semiconductors – if they employ sophi

20、sticated methods, use advanced technology, and offer unique products and services. All industries can employ advanced technology; all industries can be knowledge intensive.</p><p>　　The sophistication with w

21、hich companies compete in a particular location, however, is strongly influenced by the quality of the local business environment. Companies cannot employ advanced logistical techniques, for example, without a highqualit

22、y transportation infrastructure. Nor can companies effectively compete on sophisticated service without well-educated employees. Businesses cannot operate efficiently under onerous regulatory red tape or under a court sy

23、stem that fails to resolve disputes</p><p>　　Clusters affect competition in three broad ways: first, by increasing the productivity of companies based in the area; second, by driving the direction and pace o

24、f innovation, which underpins future productivity growth; and third, by stimulating the formation of new businesses, which expands and strengthens the cluster itself. A cluster allows each member to benefit as if it had

25、greater scale or as if it had joined with others formally – without requiring it to sacrifice its flexibility.</p><p>　　Clusters and Productivity. Being part of a cluster allows companies to operate more pro

26、ductively in sourcing inputs; accessing information, technology, and needed institutions; coordinating with related companies; and measuring and motivating improvement.</p><p>　　Better Access to Employees an

27、d Suppliers. Companies in vibrant clusters can tap into an existing pool of specialized and experienced employees, thereby lowering their search and transaction costs in recruiting. Because a cluster signals opportunity

28、and reduces the risk of relocation for employees, it can also be easier to attract talented people from other locations, a decisive advantage in some industries.</p><p>　　A well-developed cluster also provid

29、es an efficient means of obtaining other important inputs. Such a cluster offers a deep and specialized supplier base. Sourcing locally instead of from distant suppliers lowers transaction costs. It minimizes the need fo

30、r inventory, eliminates importing costs and delays, and – because local reputation is important – lowers the risk that suppliers will overprice or renege on commitments. Proximity improves communications and makes it eas

31、ier for suppliers to pro</p><p>　　Formal alliances with distant suppliers can mitigate some of the disadvantages of distant outsourcing. But all formal alliances involve their own complex bargaining and gove

32、rnance problems and can inhibit a company’s flexibility. The close, informal relationships possible among companies in a cluster are often a superior arrangement. </p><p>　　In many cases, clusters are also a

33、 better alternative to vertical integration. Compared with in-house units, outside specialists are often more cost effective and responsive, not only in component production but also in services such as training. Althoug

34、h extensive vertical integration may have once been the norm, a fast-changing environment can render vertical integration inefficient, ineffective, and inflexible.</p><p>　　Even when some inputs are best sou

35、rced from a distance, clusters offer advantages. Suppliers trying to penetrate a large, concentrated market will price more aggressively, knowing that as they do so they can realize efficiencies in marketing and in servi

36、ce. Working against a cluster’s advantages in assembling resources is the possibility that competition will render them more expensive and scarce. But companies do have the alternative of outsourcing many inputs from oth

37、er locations, which tends </p><p>　　Access to Specialized Information. Extensive market, technical, and competitive information accumulates within a cluster, and members have preferred access to it. In addit

38、ion, personal relationships and community ties foster trust and facilitate the flow of information. These conditions make information more transferable.</p><p>　　Complementarities. A host of linkages among c

39、luster members results in a whole greater than the sum of its parts. In a typical tourism cluster, for example, the quality of a visitor’s experience depends not only on the appeal of the primary attraction but also on t

40、he quality and efficiency of complementary businesses such as hotels, restaurants, shopping outlets, and transportation facilities. Because members of the cluster are mutually dependent, good performance by one can boost

41、 the success of</p><p>　　Complementarities come in many forms. The most obvious is when products complement one another in meeting customers’ needs, as the tourism example illustrates. Another form is the co

42、ordination of activities across companies to optimize their collective productivity. In wood products, for instance, the efficiency of sawmills depends on a reliable supply of high-quality timber and the ability to put a

43、ll the timber to use – in furniture (highest quality), pallets and boxes (lower quality), or wood </p><p>　　Other complementarities arise in marketing. A cluster frequently enhances the reputation of a locat

44、ion in a particular field, making it more likely that buyers will turn to a vendor based there. Italy’s strong reputation for fashion and design, for example, benefits companies involved in leather goods, footwear, appar

45、el, and accessories. Beyond reputation, cluster members often profit from a variety of joint marketing mechanisms, such as company referrals, trade fairs, trade magazines, and marke</p><p>　　Finally, complem

46、entarities can make buying from a cluster more attractive for customers. Visiting buyers can see many vendors in a single trip. They also may perceive their buying risk to be lower because one location provides alternati

47、ve suppliers. That allows them to multisource or to switch vendors if the need arises. Hong Kong thrives as a source of fashion apparel in part for this reason.</p><p>　　Access to Institutions and Public Goo

48、ds. Investments made by government or other public institutions – such as public spending for specialized infrastructure or educational programs – can enhance a company’s productivity. The ability to recruit employees tr

49、ained at local programs, for example, lowers the cost of internal training. Other quasi-public goods, such as the cluster’s information and technology pools and its reputation, arise as natural by-products of competition

50、.</p><p>　　It is not just governments that create public goods that enhance productivity in the private sector. Investments by companies – in training programs, infrastructure, quality centers, testing labor

51、atories, and so on – also contribute to increased productivity. Such private investments are often made collectively because cluster participants recognize the potential for collective benefits.</p><p>　　Bet

52、ter Motivation and Measurement. Local rivalry is highly motivating. Peer pressure amplifies competitive pressure within a cluster, even among noncompeting or indirectly competing companies. Pride and the desire to look g

53、ood in the local community spur executives to attempt to outdo one another.</p><p>　　Clusters also often make it easier to measure and compare performances because local rivals share general circumstances –

54、for example, labor costs and local market access – and they perform similar activities. Companies within clusters typically have intimate knowledge of their suppliers’ costs. Managers are able to compare costs and employ

55、ees’ performance with other local companies. Additionally, financial institutions can accumulate knowledge about the cluster that can be used to monitor perfo</p><p>　　Source:PorterM E. Clusters and the new

56、economics of competition[ J ]. Harvard Business Review, 1998, 76 (6), pp.78-83</p><p><b>　　二、翻譯文章</b></p><p>　　標(biāo)題：集群和新競(jìng)爭(zhēng)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)</p><p><b>　　譯文：</b></p>&l

57、t;p><b>　　一、什么是集群</b></p><p>　　產(chǎn)業(yè)集群是指與某一產(chǎn)業(yè)有關(guān)的企業(yè)和機(jī)構(gòu)在地理位置上的集中，它包括一批對(duì)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)起作用的、相互聯(lián)系的產(chǎn)業(yè)和其他實(shí)體，例如包括零部件、機(jī)器和服務(wù)等專業(yè)化投入的供應(yīng)商和專業(yè)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的提供者。集群還經(jīng)常延伸到下游渠道和客戶，橫向到互補(bǔ)產(chǎn)品的制造商，并通過(guò)技能，技術(shù)，或共同投入延伸到相關(guān)行業(yè)的公司。最后，許多集群包括政府和其他機(jī)構(gòu),例如

58、大學(xué)，標(biāo)準(zhǔn)制定機(jī)構(gòu)，智囊團(tuán)，職業(yè)培訓(xùn)機(jī)構(gòu)，貿(mào)易協(xié)會(huì)，他們提供專業(yè)的培訓(xùn)，教育，信息，研究和技術(shù)支持。</p><p>　　加州葡萄酒集群是一個(gè)很好的例子。它包括680個(gè)商業(yè)酒廠以及數(shù)千名獨(dú)立的釀酒用葡萄種植者。（參照展覽“加州葡萄酒集群的解剖。”），它是涵蓋酒類制造和葡萄種植的的一個(gè)廣泛的補(bǔ)充，包括葡萄播種，灌溉，收獲的設(shè)備，桶和標(biāo)簽的供應(yīng)商；以及專門的公共關(guān)系，廣告公司和眾多的針對(duì)消費(fèi)者和貿(mào)易觀眾的酒類出版物。

59、很多本地機(jī)構(gòu)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者都與葡萄酒相聯(lián)系著，如世界著名的葡萄種植，和加州大學(xué)戴維斯分校葡萄酒學(xué)院的enology計(jì)劃，以及加州參議院和議會(huì)的專門委員會(huì)。該集群還與加州其他的產(chǎn)業(yè)集群在農(nóng)業(yè)，食品和飯店和葡萄酒鄉(xiāng)村旅游有或多或少的聯(lián)系。</p><p>　　意大利皮革時(shí)裝產(chǎn)業(yè)集群也是同樣的，它包含F(xiàn)erragamo和古奇等知名制鞋企業(yè)，以及提供鞋類配件，機(jī)械，模具，設(shè)計(jì)服務(wù)和鞣革的專業(yè)的供應(yīng)商。 （參照展覽“映射意大利皮

60、革服裝集群?！保┧€由幾個(gè)相關(guān)產(chǎn)業(yè)鏈組成，包括生產(chǎn)不同類型的皮革制品（由共同投入和技術(shù)相連）和不同類型的鞋類（由重疊的渠道和技術(shù)相連）。這些行業(yè)采用普通的營(yíng)銷媒體，在相似的市場(chǎng)細(xì)分中與相似的映像相競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。一個(gè)相關(guān)的意大利集群在紡織服裝，包括服裝，圍巾和配件，互補(bǔ)性的產(chǎn)品，往往采用普通渠道。意大利皮革時(shí)裝集群非凡的實(shí)力可以部分的歸因于意大利企業(yè)樂(lè)于參與的多重聯(lián)系和多方協(xié)作。</p><p>　　群集的邊界由各種的聯(lián)系

61、和在競(jìng)爭(zhēng)中最重要的互補(bǔ)的各行業(yè)和機(jī)構(gòu)所界定。雖然集群往往是合適于政治范疇的，但是他們可以跨州，甚至國(guó)界。在美國(guó)，例如，制藥集群跨越新澤西和賓夕法尼亞州到費(fèi)城。同樣的，德國(guó)的化工集群也可以跨越到瑞士德語(yǔ)區(qū)。</p><p>　　集群很少符合標(biāo)準(zhǔn)工業(yè)分類系統(tǒng)，該系統(tǒng)在競(jìng)爭(zhēng)中并不能獲取到許多重要行為主體和關(guān)系。因此，重要的集群可能被隱藏甚至未被認(rèn)識(shí)到。在馬薩諸塞州，例如，超過(guò)400家公司，至少39,000個(gè)高薪工作為代

62、表，都以某種方式從事了醫(yī)療設(shè)備。群集是長(zhǎng)期存在的，但是是隱藏的，仍然掩埋在在較大的重疊的工業(yè)門類之下，例如電子設(shè)備和塑料制品。集群中的醫(yī)療設(shè)備管理人員最近才一起對(duì)這一問(wèn)題進(jìn)行研究，這將有益于他們所有的人。</p><p>　　集群促進(jìn)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)與合作。競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手激烈的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，贏得并留住客戶。沒(méi)有激烈的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，集群將失敗。然而，也有合作，他們?cè)S多是垂直性的涉及相關(guān)產(chǎn)業(yè)和地方機(jī)構(gòu)的公司。競(jìng)爭(zhēng)與合作共存，因?yàn)樗麄儼l(fā)生在不同層面不同

63、的成員之間。</p><p>　　集群代表在某方面和層次上的公平市場(chǎng)之中的一種新的空間組織形式，另一方面或是垂直整合。一個(gè)集群，是一個(gè)組織價(jià)值鏈的替代方式。與分散和隨機(jī)買家和賣家中的市場(chǎng)交易相比，公司和機(jī)構(gòu)在一個(gè)位置接近，以及它們之間反復(fù)交流，能夠促進(jìn)更好的協(xié)調(diào)和信任。因此集群能減輕因?yàn)榫嚯x而產(chǎn)生的內(nèi)在問(wèn)題，不附加任何固有的缺乏靈活性的垂直整合，或創(chuàng)建和維護(hù)有正式聯(lián)系的管理挑戰(zhàn)，如網(wǎng)絡(luò)，聯(lián)盟和伙伴關(guān)系。一個(gè)存在于

64、獨(dú)立、非正式聯(lián)系的公司和機(jī)構(gòu)中的集群，代表一組強(qiáng)大的組織形式，這種組織形式具有能夠提供效率，有效性和靈活性的優(yōu)勢(shì)。</p><p>　　二、為什么集群在競(jìng)爭(zhēng)中很關(guān)鍵</p><p>　　現(xiàn)代競(jìng)爭(zhēng)取決于生產(chǎn)力，而不是依靠投入或個(gè)別企業(yè)的規(guī)模。生產(chǎn)力取決于公司如何競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，而不是在所競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的特定的領(lǐng)域。公司可以成為高生產(chǎn)力的 ，例如在鞋、農(nóng)業(yè)或半導(dǎo)體方面 ，如果他們采用先進(jìn)的方法，采用先進(jìn)的技術(shù)，并

65、提供獨(dú)特的產(chǎn)品和服務(wù)。所有行業(yè)可以采用先進(jìn)技術(shù)，所有的行業(yè)可以是知識(shí)密集型的。</p><p>　　但是，公司在某一特定領(lǐng)域競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的水平高度，受到地商業(yè)環(huán)境質(zhì)量的強(qiáng)烈影響。一方面，例如，沒(méi)有一個(gè)高質(zhì)量的運(yùn)輸基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施，公司就不能采用到先進(jìn)的物流技術(shù)。另一方面，離開(kāi)了受過(guò)良好教育的員工，遇到復(fù)雜的服務(wù)也不能有效地競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。在繁文縟節(jié)或不能迅速和公平地解決糾紛的法院系統(tǒng)的監(jiān)管下，企業(yè)無(wú)法有效運(yùn)作。商業(yè)環(huán)境的一些方面，如法律制

66、度，例如，或企業(yè)所得稅率，對(duì)各行業(yè)行業(yè)都有影響。然而，在發(fā)達(dá)經(jīng)濟(jì)體中，商業(yè)環(huán)境中起決定性部分的往往是特定的集群，這些構(gòu)成了競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的最重要的微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)的部分。</p><p>　　集群影響競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的三大主要方式：第一，通過(guò)增加在該地區(qū)的企業(yè)的生產(chǎn)力;第二，引導(dǎo)方向和創(chuàng)新的步伐，這是能加強(qiáng)未來(lái)生產(chǎn)率增長(zhǎng)的基礎(chǔ);第三，刺激新企業(yè)的形成，這些新企業(yè)能夠擴(kuò)大和壯大集群本身的發(fā)展。群集允許每個(gè)成員受益，如果他們具有更大的規(guī)模，或

67、如果他們已經(jīng)加入了其他組織形式 ，都無(wú)需失去其靈活性。</p><p>　　集群和生產(chǎn)力。作為群集的一部分，允許企業(yè)在采購(gòu)運(yùn)作上更有效率的投入;獲取信息，技術(shù)和必要機(jī)構(gòu)，與相關(guān)公司協(xié)調(diào)；并測(cè)量和激勵(lì)進(jìn)步改善。 </p><p>　　更好地獲得員工和供應(yīng)商。公司在充滿活力的集群里可以更方便的尋找專業(yè)和經(jīng)驗(yàn)豐富的員工，從而降低他們?cè)谡衅钢械乃阉骱徒灰壮杀?。由于集群?biāo)志著機(jī)會(huì)，并減少了尋找的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)

68、，也可以更容易吸引其他地點(diǎn)的在一些行業(yè)起決定性的作用的有潛力的人才。</p><p>　　發(fā)達(dá)的群集還提供了其他重要的獲得投入的有效手段。這種集群提供了一個(gè)深入的和專業(yè)的供應(yīng)商基地。就地取材，而不是從遙遠(yuǎn)的供應(yīng)商那里降低交易成本。它最大限度地減少庫(kù)存的需要，消除了進(jìn)口費(fèi)用和延誤成本，而且因?yàn)楫?dāng)?shù)氐拿暿侵匾?，如果降低了風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，供應(yīng)商將提價(jià)或違背承諾。改善通訊狀況，對(duì)供應(yīng)商來(lái)說(shuō)，更容易提供配套設(shè)施和服務(wù)支持，例如

69、安裝和調(diào)試。其他因素不變，那么，本地外包比外地外包更能解決問(wèn)題，尤其是先進(jìn)的專業(yè)的解決嵌入式技術(shù)，信息和服務(wù)內(nèi)容的投入。</p><p>　　正式聯(lián)盟與外地的的供應(yīng)商一起可以減輕對(duì)外地外包的一些不利。但是，所有正式聯(lián)盟都有自己內(nèi)部復(fù)雜的談判和管治問(wèn)題，這些會(huì)抑制公司的靈活性。最后，集群中企業(yè)之間非正式關(guān)系往往可能能達(dá)成很好的協(xié)議。</p><p>　　在許多情況下，集群對(duì)于垂直整合也是一個(gè)

70、更好的選擇。與單位內(nèi)部相比，外部專家往往更符合成本效益和更積極響應(yīng)，不僅在組件生產(chǎn)，而且在諸如培訓(xùn)的服務(wù)方面都是如此。盡管廣泛的垂直整合可能曾是一個(gè)準(zhǔn)則規(guī)范，但是一個(gè)快速變化的環(huán)境可以使垂直整合低效，無(wú)效，缺乏靈活性。</p><p>　　即使有些采購(gòu)最好是從遠(yuǎn)處，但是集群更能提供優(yōu)勢(shì)。如果供應(yīng)商試圖進(jìn)入一個(gè)大的，集中的市場(chǎng)，價(jià)格將更加具有競(jìng)爭(zhēng)性，因?yàn)樗麄冎肋@樣他們就可以實(shí)現(xiàn)在營(yíng)銷和服務(wù)的效率。與集群在分配資源

71、優(yōu)勢(shì)上相反的是，競(jìng)爭(zhēng)導(dǎo)致資源價(jià)格更昂貴更稀缺的可能性。但公司確實(shí)有從外地采購(gòu)資源的選擇，這往往會(huì)導(dǎo)致限制一些潛在的成本處罰。更重要的是，集群的增加不僅不僅是采購(gòu)的而且是采購(gòu)的需求所致。</p><p>　　獲得專業(yè)信息。廣泛的市場(chǎng)，技術(shù)，競(jìng)爭(zhēng)性的信息在一個(gè)集群內(nèi)積累，并且群內(nèi)成員可以優(yōu)先獲得。此外，個(gè)人關(guān)系和社區(qū)關(guān)系促進(jìn)相互信任，促進(jìn)信息的流通。這些條件使信息更好的交流。</p><p>

72、　　互補(bǔ)性。集群成員之間的在關(guān)系網(wǎng)中的領(lǐng)頭羊比其部分的總和能夠產(chǎn)生更大的成果。一個(gè)典型的旅游產(chǎn)業(yè)集群，例如，一個(gè)旅客的體驗(yàn)質(zhì)量不僅取決于主要景點(diǎn)的吸引力，而是在如賓館，餐廳，購(gòu)物商店，交通設(shè)施的配套業(yè)務(wù)的效率和質(zhì)量上。由于集群成員相互依存，一個(gè)成員良好的品質(zhì)能夠促進(jìn)其他人的成功。</p><p>　　互補(bǔ)性有許多形式。最明顯的是當(dāng)產(chǎn)品可以一一替代來(lái)滿足客戶的需要時(shí)，正如旅游業(yè)的例子。另一種形式是促進(jìn)集體生產(chǎn)力提高

73、的，包括眾多公司的在活動(dòng)中的協(xié)作。木制品，例如，鋸木廠的效率取決于一個(gè)高品質(zhì)的木材可靠的供應(yīng)，并能夠把所有的木材使得物盡所用，包括家具（最高質(zhì)量），托盤和包裝盒（低質(zhì)量），或木屑（最低質(zhì)量）。在90年代初，葡萄牙鋸木廠遇到木材質(zhì)量差的窘?jīng)r，因?yàn)楫?dāng)?shù)氐刂鳑](méi)有投資木材管理。因此，大多數(shù)木材加工處理之后是用在托盤和包裝盒上，一這是一種低價(jià)值的利用，限制了土地所有者的價(jià)格增值空間。生產(chǎn)力的大幅改善是可能的，但是是在幾個(gè)地方的集群同時(shí)改變的條件下

74、。伐木作業(yè)，例如，必須修改切割和分類揀選程序，同時(shí)鋸木廠必須以更加成熟的方式提高木材的開(kāi)發(fā)能力。協(xié)作發(fā)展木材分類標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和措施，是一個(gè)重要且有利的一步。而地理上分散的公司不太可能認(rèn)識(shí)到和抓住這種聯(lián)系</p><p>　　出現(xiàn)在市場(chǎng)其他的互補(bǔ)性。集群經(jīng)常增強(qiáng)在某一特定領(lǐng)域的聲譽(yù)，使之更加有可能的使得買家轉(zhuǎn)向供應(yīng)商。意大利的時(shí)裝和設(shè)計(jì)的良好的聲譽(yù)，使很多公司獲益，例如，皮具，鞋類，服裝和配件方面。除了信譽(yù)，集群成員還通常

75、從聯(lián)合營(yíng)銷機(jī)制，如公司推介，展銷會(huì)，貿(mào)易雜志和營(yíng)銷代表團(tuán)中獲益。</p><p>　　最后，互補(bǔ)性的集群可以更加吸引顧客購(gòu)買。參觀的買家可以在一個(gè)單程里看到許多廠商。他們也可能會(huì)認(rèn)為他們的購(gòu)買風(fēng)險(xiǎn)較低，因?yàn)橐粋€(gè)位置有可選擇的供應(yīng)商。這使得他們?nèi)缬行枰軌蜻x擇多種或交換供應(yīng)商。香港作為一個(gè)服裝時(shí)尚之都蓬勃發(fā)展部分是基于這個(gè)原因。</p><p>　　進(jìn)入各種機(jī)構(gòu)和獲得公共物品。投資由政府或其

76、他公共機(jī)構(gòu)提供，如為專門的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施或教育方案的公共開(kāi)支，可以提高公司的生產(chǎn)力。例如，在對(duì)當(dāng)?shù)卣衅竼T工培訓(xùn)方面能夠降低內(nèi)部培訓(xùn)的成本。其他準(zhǔn)公共物品，例如群集的信息和技術(shù)池和聲譽(yù)，就自然的產(chǎn)生了競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的產(chǎn)物。</p><p>　　這不僅是政府創(chuàng)造公共產(chǎn)品，還增強(qiáng)了私營(yíng)機(jī)構(gòu)的生產(chǎn)力。由公司在培訓(xùn)計(jì)劃，基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施，質(zhì)量中心，測(cè)試實(shí)驗(yàn)室等的投資也有助于提高生產(chǎn)力。這些私人投資往往是集體作出的，因?yàn)槿杭c會(huì)者認(rèn)識(shí)到集體利益的潛

77、力。</p><p>　　更好的激勵(lì)和測(cè)量。地方競(jìng)爭(zhēng)有很強(qiáng)的主動(dòng)性。同儕壓力放大了群集內(nèi)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)壓力，甚至在非競(jìng)爭(zhēng)性或間接競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的公司中。由于看好當(dāng)?shù)厣鐣?huì)而產(chǎn)生的傲慢與期待，激勵(lì)管理執(zhí)行者試圖超越對(duì)方。</p><p>　　集群也往往更容易地衡量和比較很多行為，因?yàn)楫?dāng)?shù)氐母?jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手共享了一般情況，例如，勞動(dòng)力成本和當(dāng)?shù)氐氖袌?chǎng)準(zhǔn)入，他們也進(jìn)行類似的活動(dòng)。集群內(nèi)的公司通常對(duì)他們的供應(yīng)商的成本了如指掌