外文翻譯---中國(guó)老年人的宗教信仰和主觀(guān)幸福感（節(jié)選）

1、<p>　　3200單詞，1.8萬(wàn)英文字符,6100漢字</p><p>　　出處：Brown P H, Tierney B. Religion and subjective well-being among the elderly in China[J]. The Journal of Socio-Economics, 2009, 38(2):310-319.</p><p>

2、　　Religion and subjective well-being among the elderly in China</p><p>　　PH Brown ， B Tierney</p><p>　　1. Introduction</p><p>　　Since Easterlin’s (1974) pioneering analysi

3、s of the interplay between aggregate economic growth and the average subjective well-being of a country’s citizens, economists have embraced subjective well-being as an important economic outcome and proxy for individual

4、 utility. One prominent line of research has shown that aggregate data on happiness may be used to inform macroeconomic policy. For example, Di Tella et al. (2001) use data from a dozen European countries to infer each c

5、ountry’s subjecti</p><p>　　At the disaggregated level, economists have long held that revealed preference more accurately represents true well-being than subjective states of mind, yet deducing changes in ha

6、ppiness from observed behavior is often dif?cult in practice. Although care must be taken in the use and interpretation of subjective data,Lelkes (2006) and Frey and Stutzer (2002a) note that measures of subjective well-

7、being are reliable measures of “experienced utility,” and the use of subjective data on well-being h</p><p>　　Because faith communities provide social support for their members and encourage hope in the face

8、 of vulnerability (Ellisonet al., 1989), because religiously-active individuals tend to rebound from divorce, unemployment, illness, and bereavement more quickly and more fully (Ellison, 1991), and because religion may f

9、oster higher expected utility in the afterlife (Azzi and</p><p>　　Ehrenberg, 1975), participation in religious activities may also in?uence subjective </p><p>　　well-being. The preponderance of

10、evidence is overwhelming. For example, Myers (2000) uses a survey of 35,000 American adults to show a monotonic positive relationship between the frequency of attendance at religious services and subjective well-being. G

11、ruber (2005) ?nds that the effect on</p><p>　　self-reported well-being of moving from never attending religious services to attending weekly is comparable to the effect of moving from the bottom income quart

12、ile to the top quartile. Swinyard et al. (2001) ?nd that religious participation is among the most deterministic predictors of subjective well-being in Singapore. Indeed,Witter et al. (1985) conduct a meta-analysis of 28

13、 previous studies to ?nd that religious belief and religious participation account for between 2% and 6% of the variati</p><p>　　In as much as religion serves as a “coping mechanism” for elderly people (Cox

14、and Hammonds, 1988) and because religious capital may accumulate across the lifetime (Iannoccone, 1990), religious participation is likely to be particularly important in subjective well-being among the aged. Again, the

15、empirical evidence over-whelmingly supports this conjecture. For example, Blazer and Palmore (1976) and Guy (1982) use longitudinal data to demonstrate that the importance of religion in self-reported w</p><p&

16、gt;　　While the majority of studies report positive relationships, at least two examples of religiosity negatively in?uencing subjective well-being have nevertheless been described. First, Gee and Veevers (1990) use data

17、for 6500 Canadians to demonstrate a positive correlation between religious involvement and satisfaction with life. Within the subpopulation of adult men in British Columbia, however, 48.7% of religiously “unaf?liated” su

18、rvey respondents report being “very satis?ed” with life, whereas </p><p>　　however, the frequency of church attendance negatively impacts marital satisfaction.Unfortunately, neither study controls for health

19、, demographics, lifestyle, and other correlates of well-being that may bias the estimates. Finally, as we describe below, religious participation and subjective well-being may be negatively related in the presence of wid

20、espread religious persecution.</p><p>　　This paper analyzes the in?uence of religiosity on subjective well-being among Chinese octogenarians, nonagenarians, and centenarians using a robust multivariate frame

21、work that controls for demographics, health and disabilities, living arrangements, wealth and income, lifestyle and social networks, and location. Given the evidence from previous studies, including evidence from countri

22、es that share religious traditions with China,we expected to ?nd a positive relationship between religious partic</p><p>　　Section 2 provides an overview of religion and religious participation in China. Sec

23、tion 3 provides a brief theoretical model. Section 4 describes the data and provides summary statistics for the main variables of interest. Section 5 discusses the empirical speci?cation and identi?cation issues. Section

24、 6 presents the empirical results. Section 7 concludes.</p><p>　　2. Review of religion and religious participation in China</p><p>　　Seen as being antithetical to Marxist, Leninist, and Mao Zedo

25、ng thought, religion in the People’s Republic of China has been subject to registration, supervision, and odious regulation since 1949. Religious persecution reached a crescendo during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976)

26、, when tens of thousands of religious leaders and adherents were beaten, sentenced to hard labor, or persecuted even more severely (FitzGerald, 1967; Harding, 1997). Religion and religious practice rebounded, however, b&

27、lt;/p><p>　　training centers for clergy, and more than 3000 distinct religious organizations. Government statistics indicate that there are more than 100 million religious adherents, yet the U.S. Department of

28、State (2006) suggests that the number is likely double the of?cial statistic.</p><p>　　Among the ?ve sanctioned religions, Buddhists make up the largest body of organized religious believers, with more than

29、100 million followers and 200,000 monks and nuns in the various sects (U.S. Department of State, 2006). These ?gures are subject to considerable debate, however, because Buddhist organizational structure is not based on

30、congregations and because many Buddhists do not participate in public ceremonies. Although the Chinese government does not publish of?cial estimates of the numb</p><p>　　Unof?cial religious activity has also

31、 seen a surge in recent years. Indeed, as many as 70 million Protestants (Kindopp, 2004) and 8 million Catholics (Madsen, 1998) worship in underground congregations that have no ties to state-sanctioned churches. These“h

32、ouse churches” (so named because they cannot own property and thus meet in congregants’ homes) seek to avoid association with the state-sanctioned churches to limit government interference in internal affairs. Falun Gong

33、, a quasi-religious med</p><p>　　While religion and religious practice has grown following the end of the Cultural Revolution, religious practitioners have not always been free to practice their faith openly

34、 as the late 1990s saw changes in government policies that undermined much of Document 19. For example, “Document 6” increased regulation and monitoring of religious groups after a series of demonstrations and a 1997 Whi

35、te Paper sanctioned punishment for religions and religious </p><p>　　believers who “endangered the normal life and the productive activities of other people” or who “endangered society and the public interes

36、t” (Potter, 2003).</p><p>　　As the Chinese government’s policies towards religion have shifted, many unregistered religious organizations have come under attack. In July 1999, for example, the Falun Gong was

37、 declared a “heretical cult,” enabling practitioners to be charged under existing law (Human Rights Watch, 1999). The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom reports that 35,000 members have been deta

38、ined, 5000 of whom were sent to labor camps for reeducation; several organizers were sentenced to a d</p><p>　　Members of state-sanctioned religions have not been immune from the resurgence in religious pers

39、ecution, either, despite the protection afforded by Document 19. For example, 130 Christians were arrested in Henan on 23 August 2000 for unauthorized evangelist activity (USCIRF, 2000). An article in the Tibet Daily ind

40、icated that government of?cials who participate in religious activities were subject to punishment, and included a phone number whereby informants could report them (USCIRF, 2000). In </p><p>　　1998). Severa

41、l dozen Christian churches, Buddhist temples, and Taoist shrines were demolished in the city of Wenzhou in late 2000 and early 2001. In 2002, a “patriotic reeducation” campaignassigned 8000 religious leaders to 3-week se

42、ssions on interpreting Islam in accordance with Chinese law. In several cases, mosques were demolished,Muslim adherents were arrested, and books and other religious materials were con?scated (Human Rights Watch, 2002). &

43、lt;/p><p>　　3. Results</p><p>　　The effect of religious participation on the subjectivewell-being of China’s elderly population is estimated using maximum-likelihood logistic regression as describe

44、d by Eq. (2). Table 4 presents results for the dichotomous outcome in which respondents are classi?ed as </p><p>　　being satis?ed with life if they report “good” or “very good” lives and unsatis?ed with life

45、 otherwise. Column 1 presents estimates for the parsimonious model described by Eq. (1), while columns 2 through 4 include the many controls described in Eq. (2). Odds ratios and the absolute value of heteroscedasticity-

46、robust z-statistics are reported. </p><p>　　The odds that a survey respondent who participates in relgious activities reports being satis?ed with life are between 0.878(signi?cant at the 5% level) and 0.821

47、(signi?cant at the 1% level). That is, religiously-active elders (i.e., survey respondents who ever participate in religious activities) in China are less likely to report having “good” or “very good” lives than those wh

48、o do not participate in religious activities. This effect is considerably stronger for men than for women: the odds o</p><p>　　The results also show that octogenarians have signi?cantly lower odds of life sa

49、tisfaction then centenarians (OR = 0.736), a ?nding that holds for both men and women. This result is consistent with Lelkes’s (2006) description of a U-shaped relationship between age and subjective well-being in Hungar

50、y, albeit at the under-studied upper tail of the age distribution.Men with primary schooling have lower odds of reporting high life satisfaction than men with no schooling (OR = 0.873), a result that </p><p>

51、;　　Okun and Stock (1987) ?nd that health is as important a determinant of life satisfaction among the elderly as religiosity. Indeed, numerous multivariate studies ?nd positive associations between health and well-being,

52、 including Frey and Stutzer (2002a), and Blanch?ower and Oswald (2004). The empirical literature has also found that life satisfaction is higher among </p><p>　　individuals without physical disabilities than

53、 for individuals with disabilities, particularly those with multiple disabilities (Mehnert et al., 1990). Our results support all of these ?ndings. For example, individuals with debilitating diseases have signi?cantly lo

54、wer odds of reporting satisfaction with life, especially as the number of diseases increases (e.g., relative to no debilitating diseases, the odds ratio of reporting life satisfaction for one disease is 0.886 and that fo

55、r two debilita</p><p>　　Living arrangements may also in?uence well-being (Myers, 2000). Consistent with the literature, elderly Chinese who live with spouses and/or other family members have signi?cantly hig

56、her odds of being satis?ed with life than those who live alone or in nursing homes (OR = 1.301). However, conditioning on living with family members, frequent visits by non-resident children do not signi?cantly affect su

57、bjective well-being.</p><p>　　Suf?cient income or wealth to cover all of one’s daily needs is the single most in?uential factor in life satisfaction in our analysis with odds of 4.27 relative to those who ca

58、nnot meet their basic needs (signi?cant at the 1% level). This result is consistent with ?ndings from both the U.S. (Blanch?ower and Oswald, 2004) and Europe (Di Tella et al., 2001). Being able to meet most ?nancial need

59、s (relative to being unable to do so) also leads to higher satisfaction with life, although the odds ra</p><p>　　Lifestyle and social networks also in?uence subjective well-being among China’s elderly popula

60、tion. For example, people who exercise (OR = 1.234), watch television (OR = 1.405), or play cards (OR = 1.168) report higher satisfaction with life. This ?nding likely re?ects the ability to undertake these activities as

61、 well as the importance of the activity itself. Nevertheless, each of these activities is often undertaken in social settings, suggesting that social networks also impact </p><p>　　well-being, as shown by My

62、ers (2000).By contrast, smoking lowers the odds or being satis?ed with life, even conditioning on disease (OR = 0.837). Notably, these activities are uniformly more important determinants of well-being for men than women

63、.</p><p>　　Finally, elders who live in coastal (OR = 1.177) and central provinces (OR = 1.429) have signi?cantly higher odds of being satis?ed with their lives than those living in poorer western provinces.

64、Similarly, villagers and town residents are less satis?ed than urbanites (OR = 0.768 and 0.838, respectively). These ?ndings contrast with the rural ideal discussed by Crider et al. (1991) and suggest that China’s elderl

65、y population is embracing modern lifestyles afforded by China’s fast growing urban a</p><p>　　Collapsing a 5-point scale into a dichotomous outcome to measure subjective well-being depends on an arbitrary ru

66、le, yet our results hold when responses to the question “How do you rate your life at present?” remain “very bad,” “bad,” “so–so,” “good,” and “very good.” Within the context of an ordered logistic regression, respondent

67、s who participate in religious activities continue to have lower odds of life satisfaction (OR = 0.811–0.873), signi?cant at the 1% level (Table 5). Moreover, conditio</p><p>　　Finally, Table 6 implements a

68、3-point scale for religious participation rather than a dichotomous regressor. Relative to those who participate in religious activities occasionally,men and women who never participate in religious activities have signi

69、?cantly higher odds of reporting higher satisfaction with life, with odds ratios of 1.552 and 1.180, respectively. Additionally, we ?nd a weak positive relationship between daily religious participation (relative to thos

70、e that participate occasionall</p><p>　　中國(guó)老年人的宗教信仰和主觀(guān)幸福感</p><p><b>　　1.引言</b></p><p>　　自伊斯特林(1974)所做的關(guān)于一個(gè)國(guó)家公民的主觀(guān)幸福感和總體經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)之間相互影響的探索性分析，經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家們已經(jīng)接受了主觀(guān)幸福感作為一種重要的經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)果和福利和指標(biāo)對(duì)于

71、個(gè)人效用。一個(gè)著名的研究顯示，關(guān)于幸福感的總體數(shù)據(jù)可以用來(lái)了解宏觀(guān)經(jīng)濟(jì)政策。例如，迪特利亞等(2001)使用來(lái)自12個(gè)歐洲國(guó)家的數(shù)據(jù)來(lái)推斷每個(gè)國(guó)家對(duì)失業(yè)和通貨膨脹之間的平平衡的主觀(guān)偏好。埃利韋爾(2006)估計(jì)了道德、透明化管理、經(jīng)濟(jì)穩(wěn)定、和法律規(guī)章的社會(huì)價(jià)值。阿萊斯那(2005)、格魯伯和穆拉伊特丹(2002)分別對(duì)勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)的規(guī)章和煙草稅收的規(guī)定進(jìn)行了關(guān)于集體幸福感的評(píng)估。</p><p>　　在模塊化設(shè)計(jì)水

72、平上，經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家長(zhǎng)期以來(lái)一直認(rèn)為,顯示出來(lái)的行為比個(gè)人主觀(guān)的想法更能正確的反應(yīng)真實(shí)的幸福感，然而，在現(xiàn)實(shí)生活中，從可觀(guān)察地行為中來(lái)推斷幸福感的變化是常常是很困難的。雖然必須小心使用和解釋主觀(guān)的數(shù)據(jù)，雷克斯(2006) 、弗雷和司斯徒澤(2002a) 提醒人們注意主觀(guān)幸福感的測(cè)量方法應(yīng)是“體驗(yàn)效用”的可靠的測(cè)量方法，經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家最近接受了關(guān)于幸福感的主觀(guān)數(shù)據(jù)的使用。最近關(guān)于個(gè)體層面幸福感研究中的一系列著名的實(shí)證調(diào)查研究識(shí)別了各種各樣人群關(guān)于幸福

73、感的決定因素。在美國(guó)、歐盟和81個(gè)國(guó)家大規(guī)模的調(diào)查證明了在全國(guó)社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)范圍的一致意見(jiàn):無(wú)論調(diào)查地點(diǎn),主觀(guān)幸福感的穩(wěn)定性指標(biāo)包括相對(duì)收入、健康狀況、社會(huì)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的力量、親友的和睦、近期收入的變化和婚姻狀況或社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)(弗雷和斯徒澤，2002b)。特別是依據(jù)在16個(gè)國(guó)家對(duì)170000個(gè)成年人的調(diào)查(英格爾哈特，1990)和對(duì)146個(gè)研究的薈萃分析表明男女有同樣的可能報(bào)告出高水平的幸福感和生活滿(mǎn)意度 (哈林等，1984)。</p>&

74、lt;p>　　因?yàn)樾叛鰣F(tuán)體提供其成員社會(huì)支持并鼓勵(lì)他們?cè)诿鎸?duì)威脅的時(shí)要心存希望(埃里森等，1989)，因?yàn)樽诮痰姆e極性使個(gè)體傾向于更快速、更充分從離婚、失業(yè)、疾病、喪親之痛中走出來(lái)(埃里森，1991)，因?yàn)樽诮炭梢耘囵B(yǎng)對(duì)來(lái)世更高的期望效用(Azzi和埃爾伯格，1975年)，所以參與宗教活動(dòng)可能也會(huì)影響主觀(guān)幸福感。證據(jù)上的優(yōu)勢(shì)是壓倒性的。例如,邁爾斯(2000)通過(guò)對(duì)3.5萬(wàn)美國(guó)成年人進(jìn)行的一項(xiàng)調(diào)查表明了人們參加宗教祈禱儀式的頻率和

75、主觀(guān)幸福感之間的積極關(guān)系。格魯伯(2005)發(fā)現(xiàn)，從不參加宗教活動(dòng)和每周都參加宗教活動(dòng)對(duì)個(gè)體的自評(píng)幸福感的影響相當(dāng)于低收入和高收入對(duì)人的自評(píng)幸福感程度的影響。斯溫亞德等(2001)發(fā)現(xiàn)在新加坡宗教參與是主觀(guān)幸福感最具確定性預(yù)測(cè)因子。的確，威特等(1985)對(duì)之前的28研究進(jìn)行了匯總分析發(fā)現(xiàn)，有宗教信仰和參加宗教活動(dòng)的成年人的主觀(guān)幸福感在2%和6%之間變化。不過(guò)有些主觀(guān)幸福感中關(guān)于宗教和性別相互作用的爭(zhēng)論：雖然莫伯格(1965)提出宗教是

76、決定男性和女性幸福感的一種不太重要的因素，因?yàn)樗谌说纳钪袥](méi)有發(fā)揮很重要的作用發(fā)揮，威特等(1985)發(fā)現(xiàn)沒(méi)有任何證據(jù)來(lái)支</p><p><b>　　撐這個(gè)觀(guān)點(diǎn)。</b></p><p>　　由于宗教作為老年人的一種“應(yīng)對(duì)機(jī)制”(考克斯和哈蒙茲，1988)，也因?yàn)樽诮藤Y本可能是一生的積累(Iannoccone，1990年)，宗教參與可能成為來(lái)年人主觀(guān)幸福感中特別

77、重要的部分。再次,實(shí)證結(jié)果壓倒性的支持這個(gè)猜想。例如，布拉澤、帕莫爾 (1976)和蓋伊(1982)使用縱向數(shù)據(jù)證明宗教在自評(píng)幸福感增加壽命中的重要性。在日本，老年群體參加宗教活動(dòng)會(huì)產(chǎn)生更高的主觀(guān)幸福感(克勞斯，2003)。事實(shí)上，奧肯和斯托克 (1987)在他們關(guān)于健康老齡化的匯總分析中得出的結(jié)論：宗教是影響主觀(guān)幸福感最重要的兩個(gè)積極因素之一（另一個(gè)因素是健康）。然而很多研究報(bào)告積極關(guān)系，不過(guò)至少兩例關(guān)于宗教信仰對(duì)主觀(guān)幸福感的負(fù)面影響

78、同事也被描述過(guò)。首先吉和韋弗斯(1990)使用6500個(gè)加拿大人的數(shù)據(jù)來(lái)證明宗教參與和生活滿(mǎn)意度之間的正相關(guān)。在不列顛哥倫比亞成年人中，然而48.7%的宗教的“非附屬”被調(diào)查者報(bào)告對(duì)生活“非常滿(mǎn)意”，而“積極的附屬關(guān)系”的被調(diào)查者報(bào)告這樣高水平的滿(mǎn)意度的僅占38.3%。其次，威利茨和克賴(lài)德(1988)發(fā)現(xiàn)在中年賓夕法尼亞州人中，虔誠(chéng)的宗教信仰與總體生活滿(mǎn)意度有正相關(guān)。然而，在男性中，出</p><p>　　文章使

79、用能控制人口、健康和殘疾,生活安排，財(cái)富和收入、生活方式、社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)和地理位置的穩(wěn)定多變量的框架，分析了中國(guó)八九十歲，九十多歲，和一百歲及以上的老人的宗教信仰對(duì)其主觀(guān)幸福感的影響。以往的研究給出的證據(jù)包括和中國(guó)交流宗教傳統(tǒng)的國(guó)家，我們期望能發(fā)現(xiàn)宗教參與和生活滿(mǎn)意度之間的正相關(guān)。然而，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)了穩(wěn)定的的負(fù)相關(guān)關(guān)系。此外，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)宗教參與對(duì)男性的幸福感比對(duì)女性的幸福感有著更深的影響。據(jù)我們所知，這是第一個(gè)采用大樣本并控制大量相關(guān)聯(lián)的宗教信仰來(lái)

80、揭示這種關(guān)系的研究。我們把這一發(fā)現(xiàn)解釋為宗教迫害的間接證據(jù)，盡管我們不能直接測(cè)試迫害。</p><p>　　第二章概述了中國(guó)的宗教和宗教參與。第三章提供了一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的理論模型。第四章描述了數(shù)據(jù)并為興趣的主要變量提供了總結(jié)性統(tǒng)計(jì)。第五章論述了實(shí)證規(guī)范和識(shí)別問(wèn)題。第六章提出實(shí)證結(jié)果。第七章得出結(jié)論。</p><p>　　2、回顧中國(guó)宗教和宗教參與</p><p>　　被認(rèn)

81、為和馬克思主義,列寧主義,毛澤東思想對(duì)立的宗教，自1949年以來(lái)在中華人民共和國(guó)境內(nèi)已經(jīng)履行了登記手續(xù),監(jiān)理實(shí)行了可惡的規(guī)定。宗教迫害在文化大革命期間(1966-1976)是達(dá)到了巔峰,當(dāng)時(shí)成百上千的宗教領(lǐng)袖和追隨者被毒打,判處做苦力,甚至遭受更嚴(yán)重的迫害(菲茨杰拉德1967；哈丁，1997)。宗教和宗教活動(dòng)重新被接受,然而,</p><p>　　值得一提的是1982年的“文檔19”中保證政府會(huì)尊重和保護(hù)批準(zhǔn)的五

82、個(gè)宗教信仰——佛教、道教、伊斯蘭教、天主教和基督教——履行登記手(波特，2003)。根據(jù)政府2005年4月的白皮書(shū),中國(guó)已擁有超過(guò)85000個(gè)禮拜場(chǎng)所和其他宗教活動(dòng)場(chǎng)所,30萬(wàn)神職人員,74個(gè)培訓(xùn)神職人員的獨(dú)立的中心，并擁有超過(guò)3000獨(dú)特的宗教組織。政府的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)顯示已有超過(guò)100萬(wàn)的宗教信徒,然而美國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)院(2006)表明,這個(gè)數(shù)字和可能是官方統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)字的兩倍。</p><p>　　在五個(gè)認(rèn)可的宗教,佛教徒在有

83、組織的宗教信徒中所占比例最大,有超過(guò)100萬(wàn)的追隨者,在各教派有20萬(wàn)的和尚和尼姑(美國(guó)國(guó)家部門(mén),2006)。這些數(shù)據(jù)受到相當(dāng)大的爭(zhēng)論,然而,由于佛教組織結(jié)構(gòu)不是在集會(huì)的基礎(chǔ)上建立,許多佛教徒也不參加公開(kāi)儀式。雖然中國(guó)政府并沒(méi)有公布的官方估計(jì)的道教的數(shù)量，奧邱葛羅素(1996)報(bào)道,大約6%的人參加流行的道教活動(dòng),包括內(nèi)在煉金術(shù)、風(fēng)水、tao-yin、占卜。學(xué)者估計(jì)虔誠(chéng)的道教徒有幾十萬(wàn),包括25000位修道士和修女(美國(guó)國(guó)家部門(mén)，200

84、6)。中國(guó)也有10個(gè)主要的穆斯林族群，大約有2000萬(wàn)成員(國(guó)家部門(mén)，2006)。在我國(guó)西北部地區(qū)最密集的地方有超過(guò)40000伊斯蘭教場(chǎng)所。盡管官員們從中國(guó)基督教三次自主的愛(ài)國(guó)運(yùn)動(dòng),國(guó)家批準(zhǔn)的新教教堂,估計(jì)至少20萬(wàn)中國(guó)人屬于教會(huì)會(huì)員(美國(guó)國(guó)家部門(mén)，2006)，但依據(jù)政府的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)，中國(guó)的基督教團(tuán)體包含16萬(wàn)新教徒。更進(jìn)一步說(shuō)，有450萬(wàn)中國(guó)天主教徒屬于國(guó)家熱可的天主教愛(ài)國(guó)會(huì)成員(馬德森，1998)。我們已經(jīng)看到在近幾年非官方的宗教活動(dòng)

85、也大幅飆升。的確，多達(dá)7千萬(wàn)的新教徒(Kindopp，2004年)和800萬(wàn)天主教徒(馬德森</p><p>　　盡管隨著文革結(jié)束宗教和宗教活動(dòng)逐漸發(fā)展,宗教從業(yè)者不能總是自由公開(kāi)地表示他們的信仰，直到20世紀(jì)90年代末期可以看到政府政策改變了19號(hào)文件中的很多條款。例如,在一系列的示威游行之后“文件6”增加了規(guī)定，1997年的白皮書(shū)發(fā)布了對(duì)危害正常生活和他人生產(chǎn)活動(dòng)或危害社會(huì)和公眾利益的宗教信徒的處罰條例(波特

86、，2003)。</p><p>　　隨著中國(guó)政府對(duì)宗教的政策已經(jīng)改變,許多未注冊(cè)的宗教組織已受到攻擊。例如，1999年7月,法輪功被宣布為“異端邪教”，使練習(xí)者被指控違反了現(xiàn)行的法律(人權(quán)觀(guān)察協(xié)會(huì),1999)。美國(guó)國(guó)際宗教自由委員會(huì)報(bào)道說(shuō)已有35000名成員被拘留,其中5000人被送到勞改營(yíng)進(jìn)行再教育;一些組織者被判處十年甚至更長(zhǎng)時(shí)間的有期徒刑，而至少27個(gè)成員死在拘留所中(國(guó)際宗教自由委員會(huì)，2000)。同樣，

87、1999年到2000年600個(gè)鐘貢組織者被拘留，3000個(gè)與該組織有關(guān)的集團(tuán)公司都被關(guān)閉。同時(shí),政府加強(qiáng)活動(dòng)來(lái)約束基督教教會(huì)</p><p>　　參加中國(guó)基督教三次自主愛(ài)國(guó)運(yùn)動(dòng)和中國(guó)天主教愛(ài)國(guó)會(huì)。人權(quán)觀(guān)察協(xié)會(huì)(1999)和國(guó)際宗教自由委員會(huì)(2000)報(bào)告在在河北、山西和浙江的房子教堂里發(fā)生的拘禁、失蹤、罰款、拘留、騷擾練習(xí)者的事件。</p><p>　　國(guó)家批準(zhǔn)的宗教組織的成員也不能從宗

88、教迫害免于中免于死灰復(fù)燃,盡管文件19提供了保護(hù)條例。例如2000年8月23日，130名基督徒因參與未經(jīng)授權(quán)的傳道活動(dòng)在河南被逮捕(國(guó)際宗教自由委員會(huì)，2000年)。《西藏日?qǐng)?bào)》上刊登的一篇文章表明，政府官員參加宗教活動(dòng)會(huì)受到懲罰，包括憑借一個(gè)電話(huà)號(hào)碼檢舉人就可以報(bào)告他們(國(guó)際宗教自由委員會(huì)，2000年)。1998年5月，政府官員在湖南禁止建設(shè)廟宇和戶(hù)外展示佛像(人權(quán)觀(guān)察協(xié)會(huì)1998年)。幾十個(gè)基督教堂、寺廟和道教圣地在2000年末和2

89、001年初被毀于溫州市。在2002年，一個(gè)“愛(ài)國(guó)主義再教育”運(yùn)動(dòng)指定8000個(gè)宗教領(lǐng)袖依照中國(guó)的法律進(jìn)行了三周關(guān)于解釋伊斯蘭教的講習(xí)會(huì)。在一些情況下，清真寺被拆除，穆斯林信徒被捕,相關(guān)的書(shū)籍和其他宗教的材料被沒(méi)收(人權(quán)觀(guān)察協(xié)會(huì)，2002年)。</p><p><b>　　3.結(jié)果</b></p><p>　　通過(guò)使用最大可能性回歸分析如方程（2）的描述，可以看到宗教參

90、與對(duì)中國(guó)老年人群體主觀(guān)幸福感存在影響。表4展示了結(jié)果為二分法結(jié)果，二分法將被試分為對(duì)生活滿(mǎn)意度報(bào)告“好”或“非常好”為一類(lèi)，否則就是對(duì)生活不滿(mǎn)意的另一類(lèi)。第一欄呈現(xiàn)了方程(1)描述的簡(jiǎn)潔模型的估計(jì)結(jié)果,而2到4欄包括許多方程(2)中描述的控制變量。勝算比和穩(wěn)健的異性方差標(biāo)準(zhǔn)分統(tǒng)計(jì)的絕對(duì)值被報(bào)告出。</p><p>　　一項(xiàng)關(guān)于參與宗教活動(dòng)的受訪(fǎng)者的可能性的調(diào)查指出，受訪(fǎng)者對(duì)生活的滿(mǎn)意度在0.878（在5%顯著水平

91、）到0.821（在1%顯著水平）之間。也就是說(shuō)，中國(guó)宗教參與的老年人（即，被調(diào)查者曾經(jīng)參加宗教活動(dòng)的）比那些不參加宗教活動(dòng)的更不太可能報(bào)告有“好”或“非常好”的生活。這種影響男性比女性強(qiáng)很多：參與宗教活動(dòng)的男性報(bào)告生活滿(mǎn)意的可能性只有0.691（顯著性水平在1%時(shí)）而參與宗教活動(dòng)的女性報(bào)告生活滿(mǎn)意的可能性與那些宗教參與不活躍的女性沒(méi)有統(tǒng)計(jì)上的差異。這些結(jié)果和許多發(fā)現(xiàn)宗教信仰和主觀(guān)幸福感之間的存在一種正相關(guān)的研究相矛盾，例如，英格爾哈特(

92、1990)，威特等(1985)，梅耶(2000)，斯溫亞德等 (2001)，克勞斯(2003)，Soydemir等(2004)，格魯伯(2005)和雷克斯(2006)。宗教對(duì)男性的滿(mǎn)意度的影響比對(duì)女性有更為顯著存在進(jìn)一步的矛盾，莫伯格(1965)的假設(shè)認(rèn)為宗教對(duì)男性和女性的幸福感而言是一種不太重要的決定因素，威特等(1985)的發(fā)現(xiàn)表明宗教信仰對(duì)幸福感的影響并不隨性。</p><p>　　結(jié)果還表明八十到九十歲老

93、人的生活滿(mǎn)意度比百歲老人有著顯著的較低的差別(OR = 0.736)，這一發(fā)現(xiàn)包含男性和女性。這一結(jié)果與雷克斯(2006)在關(guān)于匈牙利年齡和主觀(guān)幸</p><p>　　福感的U形關(guān)系的描述是一致的，雖然在研究中處于年齡分布的頂端。小學(xué)學(xué)歷的男性與沒(méi)有上學(xué)的男性相比，在報(bào)告高的生活滿(mǎn)意度上沒(méi)有太大差異(OR = 0.873)，而Oreopoulos (2003)發(fā)現(xiàn)學(xué)校教育年限和生活滿(mǎn)意度之間存在正相關(guān)這一結(jié)果也許

94、是令人意外的。在任何情況下，進(jìn)行初等教育以上的男性不太可能報(bào)告快樂(lè)，而女性的受教育水平和其主觀(guān)幸福感之間沒(méi)有明顯的關(guān)系。</p><p>　　奧肯和斯托克(1987)發(fā)現(xiàn)健康和宗教信仰一樣在老年人的生活滿(mǎn)意度中是非常重要的一個(gè)決定因素。的確，眾多的多元研究發(fā)現(xiàn)了健康和幸福之間的正向關(guān)系，包括弗雷、司徒澤(2002a)、布蘭奇福勞和奧斯瓦德(2004)的研究。從實(shí)證文獻(xiàn)中還發(fā)現(xiàn)，沒(méi)有身體殘疾的人殘疾人士，特別是那些

95、多重殘的人有更高水平的滿(mǎn)意度(Mehnert等，1990)。我們的研究結(jié)果支持這一結(jié)論。例如，有身體衰弱的疾病的個(gè)體報(bào)告顯著較低水平的生活滿(mǎn)意度，特別是隨著疾病數(shù)量的增加（例如，相當(dāng)一沒(méi)有身體衰弱疾病的人，只有一種疾病的人報(bào)告生活滿(mǎn)意比值是0.886，有兩種衰弱疾病的人是0.645）。對(duì)日常生活的活動(dòng)的限制會(huì)降低報(bào)告生活滿(mǎn)意的可能性，盡管這些影響只是兩個(gè)或更多的限制因素在統(tǒng)計(jì)上的顯著性(OR = 0.874)，建議至少部分適用于殘疾人。

96、最后，更高認(rèn)知健康的被調(diào)查者（通過(guò)測(cè)量能夠比較正確地回憶起三個(gè)命名對(duì)象）有顯著更高報(bào)告生活滿(mǎn)意的幾率(OR = 1.343)。最后，以較高的認(rèn)知健康調(diào)查的受訪(fǎng)者(通過(guò)測(cè)量能夠比較正確地回憶起三個(gè)命名對(duì)象)有顯著高于報(bào)告的生活滿(mǎn)意程度的幾率(OR = 1.343)。</p><p>　　生活安排也可能會(huì)影響幸福感(邁爾斯，2000年)。與文獻(xiàn)相一致，與配偶和/或其他家庭成員住在一起的中國(guó)老年人比那些獨(dú)自生活或在養(yǎng)老

97、院生活的老年人在對(duì)生活的滿(mǎn)意度上有顯著的差異 (OR = 1.301)。然而，僅僅和家庭成員一起生活，兒童頻繁的拜訪(fǎng)并沒(méi)有明顯的影響主觀(guān)幸福感。</p><p>　　足夠的收入和財(cái)富以支付自己的日常需要是生活滿(mǎn)意度中的一個(gè)最有影響力的因素，在我們的分析中相對(duì)于那些不能滿(mǎn)足他們基本需求的人而言存在4.27的差異（在1%飛顯著水平）。這一結(jié)果與來(lái)自美國(guó)（布蘭弗羅和奧斯瓦爾德，2004年）和歐洲（迪特利亞等，2001）

98、的研究結(jié)果一致。能夠滿(mǎn)足大多數(shù)經(jīng)濟(jì)需求（相對(duì)于無(wú)法做到的）也會(huì)導(dǎo)致較高的生活滿(mǎn)意度，雖然與能夠滿(mǎn)足個(gè)人需要的這個(gè)比值的相當(dāng)?shù)男?OR = 1.413)。偶爾或每天吃肉或魚(yú)的同樣會(huì)提高對(duì)生活滿(mǎn)意的可能性(OR = 1.313–1.896)。有足夠的資源來(lái)滿(mǎn)足自家的需求，有個(gè)人收入來(lái)源，如養(yǎng)老金會(huì)對(duì)幸福感有一定程度的影響，特別是對(duì)女性(OR = 0.738)；這些女性可能會(huì)感到不太接近自己的孩子，因?yàn)樗齻兺獬龉ぷ骰蛘咭驗(yàn)樗齻兏拥莫?dú)立，雖然