遇到農(nóng)民工子女的獨(dú)特需要外文翻譯

1、<p><b>　　中文3610字</b></p><p>　　本科畢業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)（論文）</p><p><b>　　外文翻譯</b></p><p><b>　　原文：</b></p><p>　　Meeting the Unique Needs of the Chil

2、dren of Migrant Farm Workers.</p><p>　　The migrant population is the most undereducated major subgroup in the United States. The high school dropout rate of the children of migrant farm workers is 43 percent

3、, higher than any other group in the United States (National Council of La Raza 1990). It is estimated that over 70 percent of migrants have not completed high school, and 75 percent are functionally illiterate (Hodgkins

4、on 1985). Inadequate education coupled with meager language skills limit their employment potential for jobs tha</p><p>　　The reasons for the lack of education among migrant workers are many, but the migrant

5、 lifestyle's high mobility serves as the greatest impediment to educational success. Estimates indicate that students lose as many as two weeks of school per move, with 25 percent of migrant students enrolling in sch

6、ool more than thirty days after the new school year begins (Research Triangle Institute 1992). Not only do they get a late start, but "some migrant families move in and out of school districts as man</p><

7、p>　　Migrant families occupy a low status in communities because of their work, language differences, and ethnic background. The language barrier isolates migrant families and creates tension with local residents (Ford

8、 1988). Migrant children sense that they do not belong, and their feelings of inferiority are often reinforced by their peers' thoughtlessness and teasing. The situation worsens when migrants become victims of stere

9、otypes played out in the form of prejudice and discrimination. For exam</p><p>　　Migrant students "frequently find themselves in one traumatic situation after another. . . . Their confidence is shaken d

10、aily, and with each passing year, they show an increasing lack of trust in the school, community, and the larger society" (King-Stoops 1980, 21). The interruptions in their education and the inability of the school

11、to understand their culture and meet their needs slowly deplete the child's perseverance toward graduation and play a major role in migrant students' dropping out o</p><p>　　Findings and Results <

12、/p><p>　　The findings present several important problems that schools must understand and address to meet the needs of migrant students. Overall, findings indicate that there are several obstacles to the educat

13、ional success of migrant students. First, many of the teachers were unaware of their own beliefs about migrant students and were influenced by stereotypes that guided their behavior and actions. In interviews, te

14、achers pointed out that they often lacked insight into their own teaching and h</p><p>　　Although the teachers understood the importance of integrating migrant culture into their teaching, several fell short

15、 in developing complex understandings of not only migrant culture, but also how the use of migrant students' cultural backgrounds can enhance their self-concepts and improve their chances for educational success. Eve

16、ry teacher interviewed talked about the need to understand migrant culture and to attempt to integrate that culture into the classroom in a meaningful way. Later disc</p><p>　　Finally, migrant students voice

17、d their views of the problem areas that hamper their education and create trouble with teachers and other students. The students provided insight into several aspects of migrant culture that cause conflict with teachers

18、and fellow students who fail to consider migrant perspectives. In the following discussion, I address the above issues more fully, provide examples, and offer suggestions as to how teachers can better meet the needs of m

19、igrant students.</p><p>　　Critical Reflection: The Less Familiar Part of Teaching </p><p>　　The SMEP teachers who participated in this study indicated a need to engage in deliberate critical ref

20、lection to reveal their own prejudices or negative feelings, which are grounded in stereotypes about migrant families. Critical reflection is a deliberate, ongoing process of critically examining and refining educational

21、 practices, while considering the personal, pedagogical, social, and ethical aspects of teaching and schooling (Han 1995). The teachers argued that an essential part of this proc</p><p>　　From daily observat

22、ions, it became apparent that classroom situations or derogatory comments by students, colleagues, and community members served as a catalyst for teachers' critical reflection. Teachers suggested that, based on those

23、 situations, educators must consider questions such as the following: What stereotypes do I hold of migrant students? Have those stereotypes influenced my thinking, decisions, or behavior? In class, what hidden messages

24、do I transmit regarding migrant students? Wha</p><p>　　Some of the teachers surveyed expressed the frustration, embarrassment, or feelings of inadequacy that often result from the reflective process. However

25、, they believe that all teachers and administrators must engage in this process and, if needed, change their views and teaching practices. It seems that the more teachers reflect about their teaching of migrant students,

26、 the more aware they become of the unique needs of migrant students. This awareness enables them to make better sense of their w</p><p>　　Cultural Conflicts: The Ways Migrant Students See the World </p>

27、;<p>　　Prewitt-Diaz, Trotter, and Rivera (1990) argue that although migrant children come from different cultures and geographic areas, they seem to have developed common beliefs, values, norms, customs, and ways

28、of seeing and understanding the world. Not only does a migrant culture exist, but it accompanies students to school and often serves as a source of conflict between migrant students and the school's values and belief

29、s.</p><p>　　In school, teachers praise students for such traits as being respectful, industrious, and obedient, or dressing and acting in a pleasing way However, many of the traits valued by schools are, to

30、a great extent, culturally inscribed. Students whose cultural background and behavior harmonize with faculty expectations are considered academically and socially superior and are treated accordingly. Students whose cult

31、ural values are not as academically prized are labeled as disrespectful or unmotivate</p><p>　　This mislabeling often happens to migrant students in public schools. Both teachers and migrant students indicat

32、ed that migrant culture includes a strong sense of family loyalty, a willingness to fight and defend family members, and a view of life situations as temporary. From student interviews, it was evident that migrant studen

33、ts embraced those values, and that at times their deeply ingrained beliefs conflicted with faculty, curriculum, and school rules. For example, from interviews with stud</p><p>　　Other cultural conflicts occu

34、r within school as well. For example, teachers made the case that the effects of frequent mobility on the way migrant students view school and their peers often caused conflict. The family's frequent uprooting leaves

35、 migrant children feeling unstable, that they have little control over their lives, and that many aspects of their lives are temporary. Why should migrant students invest time and energy in school or relationships and ri

36、sk being hurt or disappointed when </p><p>　　Because of their willingness to challenge school rules, migrant students are accused of having a poor attitude, being lazy, not wanting to learn, and causing trou

37、ble. Teachers and classmates often consider migrant students' lack of involvement as rude and unfriendly, which reinforces previously held stereotypes and makes many migrant students easy targets for isolation, ridic

38、ule, and discrimination. In reality, this is how migrant students deal with the frustration, alienation, and lack of trust</p><p>　　Cultural conflicts can also arise within the curriculum. For example, the S

39、MEP uses the Tough Guy program to reduce bullying and fighting in school. This particular program consists of a series of videotapes and follow-up materials. Students view the grade-appropriate tapes, which include vario

40、us scenarios that illustrate the negative consequences of fighting and bullying students, and then teachers conduct a follow-up discussion.</p><p>　　The Importance of Cultural Relevancy </p><p>

41、　　Because cultural conflicts are common between migrant students and teachers, the SMEP teachers acknowledged that they must be willing to learn about migrant culture and integrate that knowledge into the curriculum and

42、student interactions. However, this means more than having an appreciation for Mexican food and holidays. Rather, some teachers indicated there is a need to construct understandings that not only include the objective as

43、pects of culture, such as artifacts, food, and clothing, but a</p><p>　　Source:Romanowski, Michael.Clearing House,Sep/Oct2003, Vol. 77 Issue 1, p27-33</p><p><b>　　譯文：</b></p>

44、<p>　　遇到農(nóng)民工子女的獨(dú)特需要</p><p>　　在美國，農(nóng)民工人口大部分是未受良好教育的人群。農(nóng)民工子女的高中退學(xué)率是43%,比美國其他任何群體的比率都要高。（拉美裔全國委員會(huì)，1990）據(jù)估計(jì),超過70%的農(nóng)民工沒有完成高中,75%是半文盲。(霍奇金森，1985)缺乏教育加上微薄的語言技能可能限制他們的就業(yè)工作,沒有什么比提供每小時(shí)工資還低的了。例如，外來農(nóng)民工收入每年不到$5,000元。（

45、羅滕伯格，1998）也達(dá)不到美國中產(chǎn)階級(jí)收入每年$40,800。(美國統(tǒng)計(jì)局公布的人口普查，1999)該收入也遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)低于2002年美國貧窮家庭層面四種類型的18 100美元，我們國家超過三分之二的農(nóng)民工家庭和大約有百分之七十五的農(nóng)民工子女低于全國貧困線。（戴維斯，1997）由于沒有接受教育，大約80萬農(nóng)民工子女將繼承父母的職業(yè)和生活方式,因?yàn)樗麄冊噲D維持他們自己。（特羅特，1992）

46、 </p><p>　　民工缺乏教育的原因有很多,但是農(nóng)民工生活方式的高度流動(dòng)性是教育成功的最大障礙。估計(jì)表明，每次農(nóng)民工轉(zhuǎn)移，學(xué)生在校時(shí)間只有兩周,而且農(nóng)民工學(xué)生入學(xué)超過三十天并維持到下學(xué)年開學(xué)的只有25%（三角國際研究所，1992）。他們不僅起步較晚，而且一些農(nóng)民工家庭一個(gè)學(xué)年搬進(jìn)搬出的有10次多。（特羅特，1992）頻繁的變化驅(qū)使農(nóng)民工孩子要適應(yīng)到新的朋友、學(xué)業(yè)期

47、望和不同的畢業(yè)要求（惠特克，1997）。</p><p>　　移民家庭在社區(qū)內(nèi)處于較低地位是因?yàn)樗麄兊墓ぷ?、語言的差異、種族背景。語言障礙使農(nóng)民工家庭與當(dāng)?shù)鼐用竦年P(guān)系較為緊張。（福特，1988）農(nóng)民工子女感覺自己不屬于集體，他們的自卑感經(jīng)常由于他們同輩的嘲笑和戲弄而加強(qiáng)。形勢惡化時(shí)，對農(nóng)民工的偏見和歧視已經(jīng)定型了。例如，教師認(rèn)為，英語不好的人是“遲鈍的”，這阻礙了兒童的學(xué)業(yè)發(fā)展，也降低了他們的自尊。特羅特，199

48、2）</p><p>　　農(nóng)民工子女學(xué)生經(jīng)常發(fā)現(xiàn)自己所受的創(chuàng)傷一個(gè)接著一個(gè)。每過一年，他們所顯示的自信心在學(xué)校、團(tuán)體、社會(huì)逐漸減少。農(nóng)民工子女教育的中斷和學(xué)校的無奈使他們無法了解他們的文化和滿足他們的需要，這樣就慢慢消耗孩子的毅力，這對農(nóng)民工子女的輟學(xué)也扮演了重要的角色。（委拉斯開茲，1996）</p><p><b>　　發(fā)現(xiàn)與結(jié)果</b></p>&

49、lt;p>　　研究結(jié)果表明了幾個(gè)重要的問題，學(xué)校必須認(rèn)識(shí)和解決問題，以滿足農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的需求?？傮w而言，調(diào)查結(jié)果表明，農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的教育成功存在一些障礙。首先，很多教師都不清楚自己對于農(nóng)民工學(xué)生應(yīng)該抱以什么樣的態(tài)度，他們受到陳腐觀念的影響以至于行為和行動(dòng)都受到擺布。在采訪中，老師指出，他們教學(xué)缺乏洞察力，他們對農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的看法通過在課堂上的正式的、隱藏的表現(xiàn)出來。例如，一個(gè)在農(nóng)村長大的老師，他曾經(jīng)認(rèn)為農(nóng)民工父母和他們的孩子不重視教育或

50、學(xué)校提供的機(jī)會(huì)，就這樣他所在的學(xué)校都覺得他是一個(gè)刻板的人。他認(rèn)為那種對農(nóng)民工學(xué)生降低期望的想法會(huì)影響了他們的教育。 </p><p>　　雖然教師知道將移民文化融入到教學(xué)當(dāng)中的重要性，幾個(gè)未到達(dá)發(fā)展的復(fù)雜的認(rèn)識(shí)，不僅僅指的是移民文化，還有農(nóng)民工學(xué)生如何運(yùn)用文化背景來加強(qiáng)他們的自我概念和改善他們所獲得的教育成功機(jī)會(huì)。每個(gè)被采訪到

51、的老師都認(rèn)為理解移民文化和有意思的將其融入到課堂上是有必要的。在后面的討論表明了老師們這樣做的不同水平。</p><p>　　最后，農(nóng)民工學(xué)生表明了有關(guān)于阻礙他們的教育、制造他們與老師和其他學(xué)生麻煩的觀點(diǎn)。這些學(xué)生提出了一些關(guān)于移民文化引起老師和學(xué)生的沖突的見解。在下面的討論中，我會(huì)更加充分解決上述問題，并提供實(shí)例，為教師如何更好地滿足農(nóng)民工學(xué)生教育的需求提供建議。

52、 </p><p>　　批判性反思：教學(xué)不太熟悉的部分</p><p>　　那些參與此研究項(xiàng)目的SMEP教師表明必須進(jìn)行批判性反思來表明自己的偏見和負(fù)面的態(tài)度，這是對于農(nóng)民工家庭的刻板印象。批判反思是蓄意的、批判的審查和完善教育實(shí)踐，同時(shí)考慮個(gè)人、倫理、社會(huì)和學(xué)校教育等各方面。（漢1995）老師們認(rèn)為，這一進(jìn)程的一個(gè)重要組成部分，是有意識(shí)地去審

53、查已經(jīng)帶有教師個(gè)人價(jià)值觀的刻板印象。更重要的是，要對那些陳舊觀念帶來的影響有所了解，因?yàn)槠娡ǔ２⒉皇恰耙院唵蔚呐艛D和可惡的語言來表現(xiàn)。他們常常巧妙地由所謂好心的同學(xué)和老師來制定文化信仰，他們最具有破壞性的工作是影響他人的精神 ”。（奧克斯和立頓1999）因?yàn)槔蠋熛嘈艑r(nóng)民工的刻板印象，往往影響他們的教學(xué)，他們指出，所有教師必須反映他們對于農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的看法，以及刻板印象可能會(huì)影響他們的教學(xué)。</p><p>　　

54、從日常的觀察，可以明顯看到，受到老師批判性的影響，課堂上的情景或由學(xué)生、同事帶有貶義的評論，以及社區(qū)成員扮演催化劑的角色等情形已經(jīng)有很明顯的表現(xiàn)。教師建議，鑒于這些情況，教育工作者必須考慮以下幾個(gè)問題：對于農(nóng)民工學(xué)生應(yīng)該報(bào)以什么樣的態(tài)度？那些陳舊觀念是否影響了我的思維、決策或行為？在課堂上，在對待農(nóng)民工子女上，我傳送了一些什么隱藏的信息？在改變其他學(xué)生和學(xué)院對農(nóng)民工子女的態(tài)度上我應(yīng)該扮演什么樣的角色？農(nóng)民工學(xué)生需要被強(qiáng)制同化到什么樣的程

55、度？我曾經(jīng)考慮農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的文化背景是什么？我應(yīng)該如何處理農(nóng)民工學(xué)生和普通學(xué)生發(fā)生的矛盾？教師不僅應(yīng)該反思自己的信仰和觀點(diǎn)，而且他們必須考慮什么樣的教育工作有可能阻礙或不利農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的發(fā)展。</p><p>　　一些受訪的教師往往在反思后會(huì)表示失望，尷尬或自責(zé)。然而，他們相信所有的教師和管理人員必須參與這一進(jìn)程，如果需要的話，還需要改變他們的看法和教學(xué)實(shí)踐。看來有越來越多的老師開始重視了他們對農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的教學(xué)，更知

56、道他們已經(jīng)成為農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的獨(dú)特需求。這種意識(shí)使他們能夠在學(xué)校表現(xiàn)更好的工作意識(shí)，從而滿足農(nóng)民工學(xué)生，這也印證了帕爾默的論點(diǎn)，即“我們可以取得任何工作上的成功的最實(shí)際的事情是投入到我們正在做的事情當(dāng)中去 ”（1998，5）。批判反思為指導(dǎo)我們的實(shí)踐提供了洞察力。 </p><p>　　文化沖突：從農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的角度看世界<

57、/p><p>　　普里威特-迪亞茲，特羅特和里維拉（1990）認(rèn)為，雖然農(nóng)民工子女來自不同文化和地理區(qū)域，他們似乎已經(jīng)擁有了共同的信仰、價(jià)值觀、規(guī)范、習(xí)俗，以及觀察和認(rèn)識(shí)世界的方式。農(nóng)民工子女教育不公平問題已不僅僅是文化上的差異，而且還伴隨著農(nóng)民工學(xué)生和學(xué)校價(jià)值觀和信仰的沖突。</p><p>　　在學(xué)校里，學(xué)生往往因?yàn)槎Y貌、勤奮、聽話，或打扮得體而受到老師的稱贊，但很多被學(xué)校贊成的特征，在

58、很大的程度上，都是帶有文化色彩的。學(xué)校所期望的學(xué)生的文化背景和行為被認(rèn)為是正確的和具有社會(huì)優(yōu)越性的，于是就被老師稱贊了。學(xué)生的文化價(jià)值如果并不是像期望的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)一樣就會(huì)得到不敬的或故意鬧事這種負(fù)面評價(jià)。</p><p>　　這種對待農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的虛假標(biāo)簽會(huì)經(jīng)常發(fā)生在公立學(xué)校。教師和學(xué)生都認(rèn)為，移民文化是一種包括對家庭的忠誠、愿意爭取和捍衛(wèi)家庭成員強(qiáng)烈意識(shí)。從學(xué)生的訪談中很明顯得證實(shí)農(nóng)民工學(xué)生擁有這些價(jià)值，而且有時(shí)他們根

59、深蒂固的信念與教師、課程、和學(xué)校的規(guī)則相沖突。例如，從與學(xué)生的訪談中可以很明顯得看出，大多數(shù)農(nóng)民工學(xué)生被教導(dǎo)要捍衛(wèi)家庭成員，這會(huì)導(dǎo)致在學(xué)校里打架。教師認(rèn)為，如果沒有了解學(xué)生打架的真正原因，許多農(nóng)民工學(xué)生都會(huì)被認(rèn)為是“暴力”或“麻煩的制造者”。農(nóng)民工學(xué)生指出，學(xué)校并沒有考慮到，是服從學(xué)校的規(guī)則還是繼續(xù)保持他們的家庭面貌會(huì)給農(nóng)民工學(xué)生帶來很困難的決定。每一個(gè)選擇都會(huì)有不良的后果-——受到學(xué)校的處罰或是家長的蔑視。然而，并非所有的矛盾都是由學(xué)

60、生“態(tài)度不好“或任何其他強(qiáng)加給他們的刻板印象而引起的。相反，文化沖突可能才是根本原因。</p><p>　　其他文化的沖突也同樣會(huì)在學(xué)校發(fā)生。例如，教師提出的情況是，農(nóng)民工學(xué)生的頻繁流動(dòng)性以及他們和同齡人的看法往往造成沖突。家人的頻繁流動(dòng)是農(nóng)民工子女感覺不穩(wěn)定，他們無法控制自己的生活，以及他們生活的許多方面都是暫時(shí)的。為什么農(nóng)民工學(xué)生在他們的生活環(huán)境在頻繁改變時(shí)還需要投入時(shí)間和精力？在學(xué)校老師指出，農(nóng)民工學(xué)生經(jīng)常

61、遠(yuǎn)離其他學(xué)生。他們可能不會(huì)做很多學(xué)術(shù)工作，因?yàn)樗麄冎浪麄儠?huì)很快的離開。他們不愿上體育課或參與課外活動(dòng)，因?yàn)樗麄兒苡锌赡茉诒举惣局须x開。他們可能更愿意挑戰(zhàn)校規(guī)，因?yàn)樗麄儾挥妹媾R長期的后果。</p><p>　　由于他們愿意挑戰(zhàn)校規(guī)，農(nóng)民工學(xué)生被認(rèn)為是態(tài)度差、懶惰、不想學(xué)習(xí)并制造麻煩的學(xué)生。老師和同學(xué)們經(jīng)常認(rèn)為農(nóng)民工學(xué)生粗魯和不友好，缺乏參與性，這加強(qiáng)了先前持有的偏見，使許多農(nóng)民工學(xué)生孤立，成為嘲笑和歧視的目標(biāo)。實(shí)

62、際上，怎么樣去處理挫折、疏離、以及缺乏信任一直伴隨著他們的生活。</p><p>　　文化沖突也出現(xiàn)在課程內(nèi)。例如，SMEP使用硬漢方案，以減少在學(xué)校的欺凌和戰(zhàn)斗。此項(xiàng)計(jì)劃包括一系列的錄像帶和后續(xù)一系列材料。學(xué)生觀看檔次相適應(yīng)的磁帶，其中包括，說明學(xué)生戰(zhàn)斗和欺凌的消極后果，然后由教師進(jìn)行后續(xù)講解。</p><p><b>　　重要的文化關(guān)聯(lián)</b></p>

63、<p>　　因?yàn)槲幕瘺_突在農(nóng)民工學(xué)生和教師之間是普遍存在的，SMEP老師承認(rèn)，他們必須愿意去了解移民文化，并將其融入到課程當(dāng)中和學(xué)生產(chǎn)生互動(dòng)。但是，這意味著要有一個(gè)比墨西哥菜和節(jié)假日更好的獎(jiǎng)賞。相反，一些教師表示，有必要建立諒解，其中不僅包括文化的客觀方面，如文物、食品和服裝，也包括主觀方面的交流、表演和社交活動(dòng)等方式，以及衣服的款式、喜歡和不喜歡的、口味、能力、行為、態(tài)度、價(jià)值觀和信仰。在這個(gè)意義上說，文化被看作是 “一