外文翻譯--關(guān)于歐共體和美國(guó)對(duì)紡織品和服裝部門(mén)的反傾銷(xiāo)手段的濫用

1、<p>　　中文2940字，1820單詞，9950英文字符</p><p><b>　　原文 </b></p><p>　　Abuse of anti-dumping instrument in textiles and clothing sector by EC, US</p><p>　　Material Source:Third

2、 World Economics Author:Chakravarthi Raghavan </p><p>　　GENEVA: The use and abuse of the anti-dumping instrument, in particular by the European Union and the US, to start investigations and harass export

3、ers of textiles and clothing products from developing countries, which are already severely subject to quota restrictions, so as to hit their exports, has been brought out in a communication from 18 developing countries

4、to the WTO Negotiating Group on Rules. </p><p>　　The paper is by Bangladesh, Brazil, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Egypt, Guatemala, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Korea, Macao, Maldives, Pakistan, Paraguay, Pe

5、ru, Thailand and Vietnam. </p><p>　　These 18 developing countries, which are members of the International Textiles and Clothing Bureau ITCB, have highlighted the way the anti-dumping investigations are initi

6、ated, with levy of provisional duties and the complaints subsequently dismissed, only for new investigations to be started on the same products - aimed at harassing the export trade of countries. </p><p>　　T

7、he communication calls for proper disciplines to prevent such misuse of anti-dumping actions. It notes in this connection that at the WTO’s 2001 Ministerial Conference in Doha, in their decision on implementation, the Mi

8、nisters had agreed that members should exercise particular consideration before initiating investigations in the context of anti-dumping remedies against textiles and clothing exports of developing countries. </p>

9、<p>　　While the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing will disappear at the end of 2004, when all the trade in this sector is to be fully integrated into the GATT disciplines, the fact that the major restraining marke

10、ts are keeping to the very last day and minute a substantial majority of quota restraints on imports from developing countries, has created considerable apprehensions in the Third World that instruments like anti-dumping

11、, environment, health protection and other grounds would be invoked to h</p><p>　　From this perspective, and to ‘encourage’ the restructuring of the industry in the North in the two years remaining before it

12、s integration into normal WTO discipline, Third World trade experts believe that perhaps the focus of developing countries should not be on any invoking of special and differential treatment and such ideas, but on denyin

13、g the ability of the importing countries to use such instruments and heavily discouraging the industry groups in the North from invoking them. </p><p>　　The Rules Negotiating Group was mandated by the Doha M

14、inisterial to clarify and improve the WTO rules on anti-dumping and subsidies. It is now at the stage in which participants indicate their positions and the trade-distorting practices that need to be disciplined by clari

15、fying the rules. </p><p>　　The joint developing-country paper focusses on one of the areas relating to anti-dumping, namely, use of the anti-dumping instrument against the textiles and clothing exports from

16、the developing world. </p><p>　　The Negotiating Group is also seized of complaints and calls for clarification and further disciplines on a wider front, with a range of proposals. </p><p>　　Cata

17、logue of complaints </p><p>　　The textiles and clothing sector, the paper of the 18 nations brought out, has seen 197 initiations of anti-dumping actions during 1990-99, ranking it the fifth among all sector

18、s. The EC has been the biggest user in this sector, targeting as many as 53 new investigations during 1994-2001 or the third among all sectors. Of the 53 new initiations by the EC, 46 or 87% targeted imports from develop

19、ing countries, and all but two were initiated on complaints from interested industry associations. </p><p>　　The sector itself has already long been subject to quota restrictions. (As part of the family of W

20、TO agreements, the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing, which provides the framework for liberalization of the trade and phaseout of existing restrictions and full integration into the GATT by 31 December 2004, was conclu

21、ded in April 1994.) </p><p>　　The joint paper brings out, with illustrations and concrete analysis, the egregious practices used by protection-seeking interests in the importing industrialized countries to p

22、rompt anti-dumping investigations. </p><p>　　In the EC, the very fact that developing countries accounting for 44 to 67% of EC imports in a range of products were targeted and alleged to be dumping was indic

23、ative of a strong protectionist purpose, the paper by the ITCB members pointed out. </p><p>　　The investigations lasted two years with no determination at the end, though the Tokyo Round code which applied t

24、o cases before 1995 required investigations to be concluded within one year of initiation. The Uruguay Round also required investigations to be concluded within one year, and in any case no more than 18 months. </p>

25、;<p>　　The communication has also brought out that instead of dismissing such complaints which on the face of it were not sustainable, investigations were started for example by the EU’s executive Commission and p

26、rovisional duties levied, only for the investigations to be ended after 18 months to two years with no final orders in effect dismissing the complaints. Then new investigations on the same products were initiated, and by

27、 the same complainants. </p><p>　　The EC has been the most egregious user of the anti-dumping instrument against textiles and clothing exports from developing countries. The US has also been using anti-dumpi

28、ng instruments across a large number of industries in particular the steel industry, but has been using it much less than the EC in the textiles and clothing sectorHowever, even in this sector, the US has been maintainin

29、g for many years the anti-dumping measures put in place from the time of the Tokyo Round codes and continue</p><p>　　Peru, which is the vice-chair of the ITCB, introduced the developing-country paper? and? s

30、aid that developing countries were apprehensive that when the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing expires in the end of 2004, the restrictions under? the agreement would be replaced by? traderemedies,? including anti-dump

31、ing actions. Peru cited some of the abuses and said that “the problem for developing countries? starts from the very complaints and initiation of investigations.” </p><p>　　The analysis in the paper, Peru sa

32、id, brought out that “most often the complaints are lodged with protectionist aims, and once the investigative process starts, the adverse effects on the exporters of developing countries begin to be reflected on trade.”

33、 The investigations also involve a heavy financial burden on the exporters concerned; many of the exporters were small concerns whose exports were about a million dollars in value, and they could not afford to engage cou

34、nsel and defend themselves</p><p>　　In discussions and comments, the EC said that it shared the conclusions about the concerns voiced by the 18-member paper, though it was “l(fā)ess enthusiastic about the facts.

35、” The EC also suggested that the investigations were against some “global players” from the developing world. </p><p>　　India, however, said that while one or two might be big firms - not by US or EU standar

36、ds but their own - most of the others were small and medium enterprises.</p><p>　　Clear protectionist pattern</p><p>　　In explaining the paper, Peru also said that the textiles and clothing trad

37、e has experienced a “significant level of anti-dumping activity, especially in the EC where it ranked third among all sectors in terms of new initiations in recent years.” While there have been attempts to portray the in

38、vestigations as involving a relatively minor share of overall trade, for the developing countries concerned they accounted for a large chunk of exports. </p><p>　　Some analytical data cited in the paper abou

39、t investigations on synthetic fibres, cotton fabrics and bed linen showed that in each of the three product lines, complaints have been lodged by the same industry association in the EC at the same time. There could hard

40、ly be any mistaking the protectionist aim behind the complaints. </p><p>　　The investigations dragged on for two years or even longer, despite clear provisions in the Anti-dumping Agreement that these be con

41、cluded within 18 months. No relief or remedy is available to the affected countries or companies even though the investigations did not result in any affirmative findings. </p><p>　　It was also a matter for

42、reflection, said Peru, that the investigating authorities could not prevent damage to the exporting countries despite the fact that the complainant association grouped a large number of products which could not properly

43、qualify as “l(fā)ike products” of domestic production being hit by the allegedly ‘dumped’ exports. Both on cotton fabrics and synthetic fabrics, a similar group of products were cited. The plain question is “how could highly

44、 processed printed fabric be consid</p><p>　　The second and third investigations in the EC, for which the product coverage was reduced, showed that the product coverage for the first had been misused. </p

45、><p>　　The mere fact of the same industry association persisting with complaints, sometimes even before an earlier one resulted in no action, brought out the clear protectionist pattern and the serious lacuna i

46、n initiating investigations simply on receipt of complaints. </p><p>　　In the end, each of these investigations proved to be unfounded and unjustified, but nevertheless they resulted in noticeable damage to

47、exports of the countries concerned. The import shares of affected countries dropped, for example, from 59% before initiation of complaints in the case of cotton fabrics to 38% when the investigations were dropped without

48、 any affirmative duty. Even after the action was dropped, the share of imports from the affected countries could not recover, thus resulting in </p><p>　　Given that the enterprises of the developing countrie

49、s were rather small, could they be capable of dumping and causing injury? Could companies with such small volumes of trade be expected, physically or financially, to defend their interests by taking advantage of any proc

50、edural rights during investigations, even when in theory these rights might be available to them? </p><p>　　The paper also showed that once anti-dumping duties are imposed, they tend to stay, for as long as

51、19 years or more, irrespective of whether trade might have totally disappeared in the meanwhile. </p><p>　　For the developing countries, the problem started with the very complaints and initiation of investi

52、gations. Most often complaints are lodged with protectionist aims, and once the investigation starts the trade is affected, and this involves a heavy financial burden on exporters. </p><p>　　In the textile i

53、ndustry, industry associations of major developed countries “are predisposed to equating any price declines with dumping and applying pressures for anti-dumping actions.” </p><p>　　Detailing some data about

54、the various investigations, the ITCB member-country paper brought out that these data showed the “alacrity” with which investigations were launched, the persistence of a protectionist bias in investigations, as well as f

55、laws in the automatic initiation of such investigations, which resulted in significant distortion on businesses and exporting-developing-country trade. The methodology used by the EC in the investigations had also been d

56、iscredited by the WTO dispute sett</p><p>　　China hoped that the paper by the ITCB members could provide inputs for the negotiations, and help bring more clarity and discipline in the rules. The anti-dumping

57、 actions had now become impediments to market access. Indonesia said that it had been a particular victim of the anti-dumping actions. Pakistan said that the anti-dumping investigations had “chilling effects” on textile

58、exports. </p><p><b>　　譯文 </b></p><p>　　關(guān)于歐共體和美國(guó)對(duì)紡織品和服裝部門(mén)的反傾銷(xiāo)手段的濫用</p><p>　　資料來(lái)源:第三世界經(jīng)濟(jì) 作者:Chakravarthi Raghavan</p><p>　　日內(nèi)瓦:使用和濫用反傾銷(xiāo)手段,尤其是歐洲聯(lián)盟和美國(guó),

59、已經(jīng)開(kāi)始被調(diào)查并且影響了發(fā)展中國(guó)家的紡織品和服裝產(chǎn)品出口,這些國(guó)家已經(jīng)嚴(yán)重受到配額的限制,為了達(dá)到出口目的,已經(jīng)組成了一個(gè)來(lái)自18個(gè)發(fā)展中國(guó)家的世貿(mào)組織規(guī)則談判小組。 </p><p>　　該文件是由孟加拉國(guó),巴西,中國(guó),哥倫比亞,哥斯達(dá)黎加,埃及,危地馬拉,香港,印度,印度尼西亞,韓國(guó),澳門(mén),馬爾代夫,巴基斯坦,巴拉圭,秘魯,泰國(guó)和越南一起擬定的。 </p><p>　　這18個(gè)發(fā)展中國(guó)

60、家,都是國(guó)際紡織品及成衣局(ITCB)的成員,強(qiáng)調(diào)反傾銷(xiāo)調(diào)查進(jìn)行的方式,關(guān)于征收臨時(shí)關(guān)稅和取消投訴,只是針對(duì)同樣產(chǎn)品開(kāi)始的新的調(diào)查,這些產(chǎn)品必須是以損害其他國(guó)家出口貿(mào)易為目的的。 </p><p>　　這次交流要求用適當(dāng)?shù)姆ㄒ?guī)來(lái)防止濫用反傾銷(xiāo)行為,意在連接在多哈舉行的世貿(mào)組織2001部長(zhǎng)級(jí)會(huì)議。關(guān)于實(shí)施的決定,部長(zhǎng)已經(jīng)同意成員在調(diào)查開(kāi)始之前針對(duì)發(fā)展中國(guó)家的紡織品和服裝出口采取反傾銷(xiāo)補(bǔ)救措施。 </p>

61、<p>　　由于紡織品與服裝協(xié)議會(huì)在2004年底失效,當(dāng)所有這些領(lǐng)域的貿(mào)易都完全適用于關(guān)貿(mào)總協(xié)定的時(shí)候,主要的市場(chǎng)對(duì)來(lái)自發(fā)展中國(guó)家的進(jìn)口配額的絕大多數(shù)的制約會(huì)持續(xù)到最后一分一秒,這在第三世界造成了巨大的疑慮,如反傾銷(xiāo),環(huán)境,健康保護(hù)和其他理由,都被用來(lái)作為刁難貿(mào)易的工具。 </p><p>　　從這個(gè)角度來(lái)看,并且為了“鼓勵(lì)”北部行業(yè)在剩下的兩年內(nèi),在正式進(jìn)入世貿(mào)組織前作出結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整,第三世界國(guó)家的貿(mào)

62、易專(zhuān)家認(rèn)為,發(fā)展中國(guó)家的重點(diǎn)不應(yīng)放在類(lèi)似于特殊和差別待遇的調(diào)用等想法上,而應(yīng)著重于否定進(jìn)口國(guó)家能夠使用這些工具和勸阻大量調(diào)用北部的產(chǎn)業(yè)集團(tuán)。 </p><p>　　規(guī)則談判小組的任務(wù)是在多哈部長(zhǎng)級(jí)會(huì)議,澄清和改善反傾銷(xiāo)和補(bǔ)貼的WTO規(guī)則。這是一個(gè)適當(dāng)?shù)钠脚_(tái),參與者標(biāo)明他們的立場(chǎng),需要通過(guò)明確的規(guī)則約束貿(mào)易扭曲的做法。 </p><p>　　參與的發(fā)展中國(guó)家專(zhuān)注于關(guān)于反傾銷(xiāo)的某一領(lǐng)域,即針對(duì)

63、紡織品和服裝出口的反傾銷(xiāo)手段的使用。 </p><p>　　談判組還查獲許多投訴和澄清要求,并且有更廣安的紀(jì)律要求和一系列的建議。 </p><p><b>　　投訴目錄 </b></p><p>　　紡織品和服裝部門(mén),由18個(gè)國(guó)家提出的文件,自1990到1999年已發(fā)起197起反傾銷(xiāo)行動(dòng),居各行業(yè)第五。歐盟委員會(huì)是這一領(lǐng)域的最大用戶,針對(duì)自1

64、994年至2001年多達(dá)53個(gè)新調(diào)查,占各行業(yè)的三分之一。在歐共體的53個(gè)新調(diào)查中,46或87%從發(fā)展中國(guó)家進(jìn)口的目標(biāo),但有2起是從感興趣的行業(yè)協(xié)會(huì)新開(kāi)展的投訴。 </p><p>　　該行業(yè)本身已經(jīng)長(zhǎng)期受到配額的限制。(作為世貿(mào)組織協(xié)議家族的一部分,關(guān)于紡織品和服裝的協(xié)議,在1994年4月提供了貿(mào)易自由化的框架,現(xiàn)有限制的淘汰和在2004年12月31日前進(jìn)入關(guān)貿(mào)總協(xié)定的全面整合。) 參與者提出的文件配有插圖和具

65、體分析,還有在進(jìn)口工業(yè)化國(guó)家保護(hù)尋求利益以提示反傾銷(xiāo)調(diào)查的令人震驚的行為。 </p><p>　　在歐共體的一系列進(jìn)口產(chǎn)品中,發(fā)展中國(guó)家占了44%至67%的比例,據(jù)稱傾銷(xiāo)是一個(gè)強(qiáng)大的保護(hù)主義目的的指示,這是由ITCB各位成員的文件指出的。 </p><p>　　調(diào)查歷時(shí)兩年沒(méi)有最后確定,雖然東京回合守則在應(yīng)用于案件是被要求必須在調(diào)查發(fā)起后一年內(nèi)結(jié)束。烏拉圭回合也被要求在調(diào)查開(kāi)始后一年內(nèi)結(jié)束

66、,任何情況下不能超過(guò)18個(gè)月。 </p><p>　　該交流還提出了用臨時(shí)征收關(guān)稅取代了撤銷(xiāo)表面上看是不可持續(xù)的此類(lèi)投訴,那些僅在被調(diào)查的18個(gè)月后結(jié)束,在兩年內(nèi)并沒(méi)有最終訂單的投訴(實(shí)際上是駁回投訴)。在相同的產(chǎn)品,啟動(dòng)了新的調(diào)查,并有同一投訴人發(fā)起。 </p><p>　　歐共體已成為對(duì)來(lái)自發(fā)展中國(guó)家的紡織品和服裝出口使用反傾銷(xiāo)手段最?lèi)毫拥挠脩?。美?guó)也在大量行業(yè)(特別是鋼鐵行業(yè))使用反

67、傾銷(xiāo)手段,但在紡織品和服裝部門(mén)比歐盟少得多。然而,即使是在這些方面,美國(guó)也在世貿(mào)組織的規(guī)則下從東京回合后多年持續(xù)使用反傾銷(xiāo)手段。 </p><p>　　秘魯,ITCB的副主席,介紹了發(fā)展中國(guó)家的文件,并且說(shuō)發(fā)展中國(guó)家擔(dān)心紡織品和服裝協(xié)議到期(在2004年年底)時(shí),該協(xié)議下的限制將改為貿(mào)易救濟(jì)措施,包括反傾銷(xiāo)行動(dòng)。秘魯列舉了一些弊端并表示“發(fā)展中國(guó)家的問(wèn)題從投訴和調(diào)查的發(fā)起開(kāi)始?！?</p><

68、p>　　秘魯說(shuō),文件中的分析指出“最常提出的投訴是出于保護(hù)主義目的的,一旦調(diào)查程序開(kāi)始,對(duì)發(fā)展中國(guó)家出口商的負(fù)面效應(yīng)就開(kāi)始反應(yīng)在貿(mào)易上。”該調(diào)查還涉及對(duì)有關(guān)出口商早點(diǎn)的沉重的經(jīng)濟(jì)負(fù)擔(dān);許多的出口商,其出口價(jià)值約一百萬(wàn)美元是小問(wèn)題,但他們卻沒(méi)有能力聘請(qǐng)辯護(hù)律師和在調(diào)查當(dāng)局面前捍衛(wèi)自身權(quán)益。 </p><p>　　在討論中,歐盟說(shuō)它承認(rèn)18成員的關(guān)切文件的結(jié)論,雖然它“缺少對(duì)事實(shí)的熱情”。歐盟委員會(huì)還建議調(diào)查一

69、些來(lái)自于發(fā)展中國(guó)家的“全球玩家”。 </p><p>　　然而,印度表示,雖然有可能是一兩個(gè)大公司?不是美國(guó)或歐盟標(biāo)準(zhǔn),但自己?大多數(shù)還是中小型企業(yè)。 </p><p><b>　　清除保護(hù)主義模式 </b></p><p>　　在解釋文件的時(shí)候,秘魯還提到,紡織品和服裝貿(mào)易已經(jīng)歷了一個(gè)反傾銷(xiāo)活動(dòng)的高潮,尤其是在歐盟在近些年已經(jīng)在所有部門(mén)發(fā)起的

70、新案件中排名第三?！北M管他們調(diào)查在總體貿(mào)易份額相對(duì)較少,但對(duì)發(fā)展中國(guó)家來(lái)說(shuō),占到出口比例的很大部分。 </p><p>　　一些分析數(shù)據(jù)中引用的文件(關(guān)于對(duì)合成纖維,棉面料及床上用品的調(diào)查)標(biāo)明,在每三個(gè)產(chǎn)品線中,在同一時(shí)間已被同一行業(yè)協(xié)會(huì)(在歐共體內(nèi))提出投訴。在投訴背后可能難以有誤投訴背后的貿(mào)易保護(hù)主義目的。 </p><p>　　該調(diào)查持續(xù)了兩年甚至更長(zhǎng)的時(shí)間,盡管在反傾銷(xiāo)協(xié)定中有必

71、須要在18個(gè)月內(nèi)結(jié)束的明確規(guī)定。即使調(diào)查沒(méi)有任何肯定的結(jié)果,受影響的國(guó)家或企業(yè)也沒(méi)有任何的救濟(jì)或補(bǔ)救辦法。 這也是一個(gè)值得思考的問(wèn)題,秘魯表示,調(diào)查機(jī)構(gòu)不能阻止出口國(guó)遭受的損害,盡管申訴人協(xié)會(huì)分組的大量產(chǎn)品可能不能正確符合“同類(lèi)產(chǎn)品”的國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)被“傾銷(xiāo)”的出口破壞。對(duì)于棉織物和化纖織物,被一組類(lèi)似的產(chǎn)品引用。通常的問(wèn)題是“怎么可能高度加工的印花面料被視為像產(chǎn)品原料,面紗面料?然而,調(diào)查將繼續(xù)!” </p><p>

72、;　　在歐盟,產(chǎn)品的覆蓋面減少,第二個(gè)和第三個(gè)調(diào)查顯示第一個(gè)調(diào)查的產(chǎn)品覆蓋面被誤用了。 </p><p>　　在同行業(yè)協(xié)會(huì)的投訴堅(jiān)持這一事實(shí),有時(shí)甚至更早的一個(gè)不采取行動(dòng)的結(jié)果,帶出了清晰的貿(mào)易保護(hù)主義格局和只是在接到投訴后開(kāi)始調(diào)查的嚴(yán)重缺陷。 </p><p>　　最終,這些調(diào)查被證明是毫無(wú)根據(jù)的和沒(méi)有道理的,但盡管如此,它們還是造成了明顯的損害有關(guān)國(guó)家的出口。受影響的國(guó)家的進(jìn)口份額下降

73、,例如,從投訴開(kāi)始之前(在棉織物的情況下)的59%到38%是,調(diào)查沒(méi)有任何積極的義務(wù)減少。即使在行動(dòng)減少后,受影響國(guó)家的進(jìn)口份額可能沒(méi)法恢復(fù),因此對(duì)這些國(guó)家的利益造成的持久的損害沒(méi)有任何公正的待遇。 </p><p>　　鑒于發(fā)展中國(guó)家的企業(yè)都比較小,它們有傾銷(xiāo)和造成損害的能力嗎?無(wú)論是企業(yè)本身還是經(jīng)濟(jì)上,這些小企業(yè)在調(diào)查中能通過(guò)采取保護(hù)訴訟權(quán)利的優(yōu)勢(shì),即使在理論上這些權(quán)利對(duì)他們有用嗎? </p>

74、<p>　　該文件還顯示,一旦反傾銷(xiāo)稅征收,他們往往持續(xù)長(zhǎng)達(dá)19年以上,不論貿(mào)易是否有可能完全與此同時(shí)小時(shí)。 </p><p>　　對(duì)于發(fā)展中國(guó)家來(lái)說(shuō),問(wèn)題開(kāi)始于非常投訴和發(fā)起調(diào)查。最常見(jiàn)的投訴遞交出于保護(hù)主義的目的,一旦調(diào)查開(kāi)始,貿(mào)易即被影響,這涉及到出口商沉重的財(cái)政負(fù)擔(dān)。在紡織行業(yè),主要發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家的行業(yè)協(xié)會(huì)“是傾向于等同傾銷(xiāo)和申請(qǐng)反傾銷(xiāo)行動(dòng)的任何價(jià)格下跌的壓力。” </p><p&

75、gt;　　詳細(xì)說(shuō)明有關(guān)各種調(diào)查的一些數(shù)據(jù),ITCB成員的國(guó)內(nèi)文件指出,這些數(shù)據(jù)顯示該調(diào)查推出“敏捷”,在調(diào)查中的一個(gè)持久性保護(hù)主義偏見(jiàn),以及這種調(diào)查的缺陷,導(dǎo)致發(fā)展中國(guó)家出口貿(mào)易的失真。歐盟在調(diào)查中使用的方法也受到WTO爭(zhēng)端解決小組的非議,歐盟委員會(huì)提出上訴。 </p><p>　　中國(guó)希望通過(guò)ITCB各位議員的文件可以為談判提供參考,幫助實(shí)現(xiàn)更清晰的規(guī)則和紀(jì)律。反傾銷(xiāo)行為已成為市場(chǎng)準(zhǔn)入的阻礙。印尼說(shuō),它一直是反