外文翻譯--對(duì)全球價(jià)值鏈的投入如何影響產(chǎn)業(yè)集群的升級(jí)(節(jié)選）

1、<p>　　2900單詞，1.7萬(wàn)英文字符，4900漢字</p><p>　　本科畢業(yè)論文外文翻譯</p><p>　　外文題目： How does insertion in global value chains affect upgrading in industrial clusters? </p><p>　

2、　出 處： John Humphrey, Hubert Schmitz. How does insertion in global value chains affect upgrading in industrial clusters?[J]. Regional Studies, 2010, 36(9): 1017-1027. </p><p>　　作 者： John H

3、umphrey and Hubert Schmitz </p><p>　　What is the scope for local upgrading strategies where producers operate in global value chains? The literature on industrial clusters emp

4、hasises the role of inter-firm co-operation and local institutions in enabling upgrading. The value chain literature focuses on the role of global buyers and chain governance in defining upgrading opportunities. This p

5、aper argues that clusters are inserted into global value chains in different ways, and that this has consequences for enabling or disabling lo</p><p>　　Keywords: clusters, value chains, competitiveness,

6、 upgrading, developing countries </p><p>　　1 Introduction</p><p>　　Firms in developing countries, in common with firms everywhere, are under pressure to improve their performance and increase th

7、eir competitiveness. New, low-cost producers are entering global markets, intensifying competition in markets for labour-intensive manufactures. How can firms in developing countries respond to this type of challenge whi

8、le at the same time maintaining returns to both labour and capital from engaging in trade? The literature on competitiveness suggests that the most viabl</p><p>　　Several schools of thought have emphasised t

9、he local determinants of competitiveness, including the‘new economic geography’, business studies, regional science and innovation studies. Not only is some of this literature optimistic about the possibility of strength

10、ening competitiveness through local or regional industrial policy (e.g. COOKE and MORGAN, 1998; PYKE, 1992), but it has also been argued that in a globalising economy the only enduring basis for competitive advantage wi

11、ll be localised </p><p>　　How can these two literatures be reconciled? One emphasises the importance of local linkages and the other global linkages. Clearly there is a need to bring these two perspectives t

12、ogether, particularly in the case of export oriented clusters that are inserted into global value chains. This paper provides a means of doing this.</p><p>　　The question which drives this paper is how inser

13、tion into global value chains affects local upgrading strategies. In order to answer this question we distinguish between different types of upgrading and different types of chains. For the latter, we focus on the way t

14、he chain is co-ordinated.The paper suggests that there is a continuum from arm's-length market relationships through to hierarchical governance (vertical integration). In between, there are two particularly important

15、 types of co- o</p><p>　　We came to this question through our research on clusters in developing countries where producers found themselves in asymmetrical relationships with their customers. These producers

16、 were facing powerful global buyers who had a major influence not just on sales but also on the type of upgrading strategies open to them. Since then, we found that this issue is not confined to developing country cluste

17、rs. Rabellotti (2001) finds a similar problem facing shoe producers in Italy.</p><p>　　Why is there a problem? Why is it important to ask how insertion into global value chains affects upgrading in the clus

18、ter? Both the cluster literature and the global value chain research emphasise that interaction is central to upgrading, but one gives prime importance to the interaction with local firms and institutions and the other

19、accords prime importance to the interaction with the global buyers. If this was just a matter of different emphases it would be easy to bring together the two ap</p><p>　　This paper is divided into three fur

20、ther sections.Section 2 discusses the treatment of upgrading in the cluster and value chain literatures. Section 3 distinguishes between different forms of governance in global value chains and analyses why they arise. S

21、ection 4 considers how the different types of global value chains affect the upgrading in industrial clusters, paying particularly attention to how relationships and upgrading prospects change over time.</p><

22、p>　　2 Upgrading in clusters and value chains</p><p>　　With the deepening integration of developing countries into global markets, firms in these countries face increasing competitive pressure.For producer

23、s to maintain or increase incomes in the face of this pressure, they must either increase the skill content of their activities and/or move into market niches which have entry barriers and are therefore insulated to some

24、 extent from these pressures. We refer to such shifts in activities as upgrading.</p><p>　　Both the cluster and value chain approaches emphasise the importance of upgrading in order to face increasing compet

25、ition in global markets. Similarly, both emphasise the role played by governance in upgrading, using the term governance to denote co-ordination of economic activities through non- market relationships.Governance is par

26、ticularly important for the generation, transfer and diffusion of knowledge leading to innovation, which enables firms to improve their performance. However, the </p><p>　　The importance of local governanc

27、e as a source of competitiveness has been particularly stressed in two lines of recent work: regional science (and in particular the industrial district literature) and innovation studies.These two bodies of work both c

28、onsider market dynamics insufficient to achieve competitiveness via the high road, i.e. through upgrading. In the industrial district literature, the experience of the "Third Italy" and other European experienc

29、es gave rise (in the late 1980s/early</p><p>　　The importance of local policy networks is also central to the work on local innovation systems. In the 1990s, the literature concerned with technological devel

30、opment moved from a focus on the individual firm and a strong distinction between innovation and diffusion towards a greater concern with learning-by-interaction (LUNDVALL, 1993), leading then to the studies of innovati

31、on systems, first at the national then increasingly at the regional and local level (e.g. FREEMAN, 1995; EDQUIST, 1997;</p><p>　　This view of industrial district relationships as internally complex but exte

32、rnally simple goes back to Alfred Marshall:</p><p>　　"In his original formulation of the industrial district, Marshall envisioned a region where the business structure is comprised of small, locally ow

33、ned firms that make investment and production decisions locally....Within the district, substantial trade is transacted between buyers and sellers, often entailing long-term contracts or commitments. Although Marshall di

34、d not explicitly say so, linkages and/or co-operation with firms outside the district is assumed to be minimal" (MARKUSEN, 1996: 2</p><p>　　Contemporary studies, recognise the importance of external re

35、lationships, especially where these clusters are export oriented, but the nature of the relationship is characterised explicitly or implicitly as arm's-length. In particular, the extensive literature on Italian indus

36、trial districts (see, for example, PYKE et al., 1990; PYKE and SENGENBERGER, 1992; COSSENTINO et al., 1996) tends to characterise these districts as containing the full range of activities required to produce finished pr

37、odu</p><p>　　Both the cluster and the local innovation system approaches have been used to analyse local industrial development in developing countries (CASSIOLATO and LASTRES, 2000; NADVI, 1999; RABELLOTTI

38、, 1997; SCHMITZ, 1995a).Their application has been characterised by the concentration on the interaction between local firms and with local institutions. Upgrading is seen as being driven largely by firms and instituti

39、ons within the cluster. In contrast, relationships with the external world are given m</p><p>　　The literature on global value chains takes a very different view of inter-firm linkages. It is also concerned

40、with upgrading but the knowledge required for it flows through the chain.Particular attention has been given to the role of powerful lead firms that ‘undertake the functional integration and co-ordination of internationa

41、lly dispersed activities’ (GEREFFI, 1999: 41) and to governance structures, defined by Gereffi as 'authority and power relationships that determine how financial, materi</p><p>　　Global value chain analy

42、sis emphasises that local producers learn a great deal from global buyers about how to improve their production processes, attain consistent and high quality, and increase the speed of response.This upgrading effect is p

43、articularly significant for local producers new to the global market (KEESING and LALL, 1992; PIORE and RUIZ DURÁN, 1998; SCHMITZ and KNORRINGA, 2000).There is also scope for product upgrading.Gereffi attributes t

44、his to ‘organisational succession’, a pro</p><p>　　3 Value chain governance</p><p>　　Global value chain analysis is concerned with how global production and distribution systems are organised

45、. These involve recurrent transactions between various firms. How such transactions might be organised has been addressed by transaction costs economics (see, for example, WILLIAMSON, 1975; WILLIAMSON, 1979). In situatio

46、ns characterised by uncertainty, bounded rationality (information may not be available, or only acquired at a certain cost) and differences of interest between economic agent</p><p>　　What is to be produced.

47、 This involves the design of products, both in broad conception and detailed specifications.</p><p>　　How it is to be produced. This involves the definition of production processes, which can include element

48、s such as the technology to be used, quality systems, labour standards and environmental standards.</p><p>　　Physical product flow: how much is to be produced, when, and how the flow of product along the cha

49、in is to be handled.</p><p>　　The transaction costs literature identifies market and hierarchy as two common co-ordination arrangements. Markets are particularly effective for standard products. Co-ordinatio

50、n requirements between different points in the chain are low, valuation of the product and monitoring of supplier performance is relatively easy, and economies of scale are likely to be significant. Buyer and supplier ma

51、intain arm’s length market relations. This implies that the product is (a) standard, or can be customis</p><p>　　Transaction costs theory has been used to explain decisions to make in-house or to outsource.

52、In the international context, it can be used to account for decisions about arm's-length purchasing from overseas companies as opposed to foreign direct investment. However, value chain studies have highlighted the r

53、ole of global buyers in creating global production and marketing networks. In extreme cases, large retailers or brand-name companies organise production systems that integrate producers in v</p><p>　　4 Va

54、lue chain relationships and upgrading in clusters</p><p>　　The analysis presented in section 3 suggests that four types of relationships can be distinguished in value chains:</p><p>　　Arm’s leng

55、th market relations. Buyer and supplier do not develop close relationships. This implies that the supplier has the capacity to produce the product the buyer wants, and also that the buyer's requirements (including qu

56、ality, reliability, etc.) could be met by a range of firms. The product should be standard or easily customised and any process requirements can be met by non-transaction specific standards of the sort verified by indepe

57、ndent certification.</p><p>　　Networks. Firms co-operate in a more information-intensive relationship, frequently dividing essential value chain competences between them. The relationship is characterised by

58、 reciprocal dependence.8 In this case, the buyer may specify certain product performance standards or process standards to be attained, but should be confident that supplier can meet them.</p><p>　　Quasi hie

59、rarchy. One firm exercises a high degree of control over other firms in the chain, frequently specifying the characteristics of the product be produced, and sometimes specifying the processes to be followed and the contr

60、ol mechanisms to be enforced. This level of control can arise not only from the lead firm's role in defining the product, but also from the buyer's perceived risk of losses from the suppliers’ performance failure

61、s. In other words, there are some doubts about the competen</p><p>　　Hierarchy. The lead firm takes direct ownership of some operations in the chain.</p><p><b>　　譯 文：</b></p>

62、<p>　　對(duì)全球價(jià)值鏈的投入如何影響產(chǎn)業(yè)集群的升級(jí)</p><p>　　當(dāng)生產(chǎn)者在全球價(jià)值鏈經(jīng)營(yíng)時(shí), 本地升級(jí)戰(zhàn)略的范圍有多大? 關(guān)于產(chǎn)業(yè)集群的文獻(xiàn)強(qiáng)調(diào)企業(yè)間的合作和地方機(jī)構(gòu)的升級(jí). 關(guān)于價(jià)值鏈文獻(xiàn)的重點(diǎn)是全球買家和價(jià)值鏈的治理與找到升級(jí)的機(jī)會(huì)， 本文認(rèn)為， 集群以不同的方式對(duì)于全球價(jià)值鏈的投入， 并且這是當(dāng)?shù)厮绞欠窨梢蕴嵘暮蠊?它特別關(guān)注發(fā)展中國(guó)家與全球買家有交易關(guān)系的公司的地位。 <

63、;/p><p>　　關(guān)鍵詞: 集群， 價(jià)值鏈， 競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力， 升級(jí)， 發(fā)展中國(guó)家</p><p><b>　　1、簡(jiǎn)介</b></p><p>　　發(fā)展中國(guó)家的公司與企業(yè)共同面臨著改善他們的表現(xiàn)，增強(qiáng)他們競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的壓力。新的，低成本的生產(chǎn)商進(jìn)入全球市場(chǎng)，加強(qiáng)對(duì)勞動(dòng)力密集型制成品市場(chǎng)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。怎樣才能在發(fā)展中國(guó)家企業(yè)應(yīng)對(duì)這一類型的挑戰(zhàn)，而在同時(shí)保持從經(jīng)商到勞

64、動(dòng)力和資本的回報(bào)？對(duì)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的文獻(xiàn)表明，最可行的反應(yīng)就是“升級(jí)”來(lái)做出更好的產(chǎn)品，使它們更有效率，放入更多的技術(shù)活動(dòng)（波特，1990年;卡普林斯基，2000）。</p><p>　　幾個(gè)學(xué)派都強(qiáng)調(diào)當(dāng)?shù)馗?jìng)爭(zhēng)力的決定因素，包括新經(jīng)濟(jì)地理學(xué)，商業(yè)研究，區(qū)域科技創(chuàng)新研究。這不僅是一些樂觀文學(xué)派認(rèn)為通過加強(qiáng)對(duì)地方或區(qū)域產(chǎn)業(yè)政策的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的可能（如庫(kù)克和摩根，1998年;派克，1992年），但也有人認(rèn)為在全球經(jīng)濟(jì)化中唯一持久的競(jìng)

65、爭(zhēng)優(yōu)勢(shì)將被局限并以隱性知識(shí)為基礎(chǔ)：“世界市場(chǎng)的形成...增加了異構(gòu)，建立企業(yè)特有的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的本地化能力的重要性”（馬斯克爾和MALMBERG，1999：172）。在發(fā)展中國(guó)家的產(chǎn)業(yè)集群分析這些觀點(diǎn)的基礎(chǔ)上，對(duì)地方聯(lián)系，如產(chǎn)生勞動(dòng)密集的鞋類和服裝出口行業(yè)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)優(yōu)勢(shì)的作用為重點(diǎn)。不過，這些產(chǎn)品恰恰是那些在其中（無(wú)論是代理商，零售商或名牌企業(yè)）已經(jīng)開始在全球的生產(chǎn)和分配系統(tǒng)的組織中發(fā)揮日益重要的作用的全球買家。這些系統(tǒng)的分析其中之一是全球價(jià)值鏈的

66、研究，作為一個(gè)非常不同的方法來(lái)升級(jí)的問題，強(qiáng)調(diào)在全球生產(chǎn)和分配系統(tǒng)而不是企業(yè)之間的跨邊界的聯(lián)系（格里芬和KORZENIEWICZ，1994年; 格里芬和卡普林斯基，2001）。</p><p>　　怎樣才能調(diào)和這兩個(gè)文獻(xiàn)？其中強(qiáng)調(diào)了地方的聯(lián)系和其他全球性聯(lián)系的重要性。顯然有必要使這兩種觀點(diǎn)在一起，特別是在出口導(dǎo)向型集群為例正在融入全球價(jià)值鏈中。本文提供了這樣做的方法。</p><p>　　

67、該問題本文是如何融入全球價(jià)值鏈中影響本地升級(jí)戰(zhàn)略。為了回答這個(gè)問題，區(qū)分不同類型的升級(jí)和鏈條的不同類型。對(duì)于后者，我們把重點(diǎn)放在鏈協(xié)調(diào)上。本文表明，有一個(gè)從保持距離，通過連續(xù)向市場(chǎng)關(guān)系分層管理（垂直整合）。在這兩者之間，有兩個(gè)特別重要類型的共同協(xié)調(diào)全球價(jià)值鏈：網(wǎng)絡(luò)匯集了具有互補(bǔ)能力的合作伙伴，和準(zhǔn)層次結(jié)構(gòu)，其中有能力和權(quán)力不對(duì)稱的一方（往往是全球買家）的青睞。本文將特別注意鏈治理的準(zhǔn)層次的形式，解釋為什么它是來(lái)自發(fā)展中國(guó)家的共同采購(gòu)以及

68、它如何影響當(dāng)?shù)仄髽I(yè)升級(jí)。</p><p>　　我們對(duì)這個(gè)問題的研究，通過對(duì)發(fā)展中國(guó)家的生產(chǎn)者與自己的客戶群不對(duì)稱的關(guān)系。這些生產(chǎn)者面臨著強(qiáng)大的還對(duì)提升戰(zhàn)略向他們開放式的重大影響全球買家。從那以后，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)這個(gè)問題并不僅限于發(fā)展中國(guó)家集群。 Rabellotti（2001）發(fā)現(xiàn)了在意大利制鞋商面臨著類似的問題。</p><p>　　為什么有這樣的問題？為什么如何融入全球價(jià)值鏈中插入集群升級(jí)的

69、影響是很重要的問題？無(wú)論是集群文獻(xiàn)還是全球價(jià)值鏈的研究都強(qiáng)調(diào)，相互作用對(duì)升級(jí)至關(guān)重要，重視與當(dāng)?shù)仄髽I(yè)和機(jī)構(gòu)以及最重要的全球買家與其他協(xié)定的互動(dòng)交流。如果這只是一個(gè)不同的重點(diǎn)問題會(huì)很容易匯集到一起的兩種方法，簡(jiǎn)單地認(rèn)為他們是相輔相成的。然而，融合是遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不只這樣簡(jiǎn)單，因?yàn)榕c全球的買家互動(dòng)往往需要在一個(gè)非常不平衡的關(guān)系范圍內(nèi)進(jìn)行。這種不平等關(guān)系的轉(zhuǎn)換和升級(jí)軌跡。這將在本文的過程中顯示，為全球買家在享受工作的本地生產(chǎn)者在其他類型的提升，但遇到一

70、些障礙類型相當(dāng)大的優(yōu)勢(shì)。本文還詢問這些障礙是否是永久性的，并討論如何克服這些問題。</p><p>　　本文進(jìn)一步分為三個(gè)部分。第二節(jié)討論了在集群和價(jià)值鏈升級(jí)的文獻(xiàn)。第三節(jié)區(qū)分全球價(jià)值鏈治理的不同形式，并分析其產(chǎn)生的原因。第四節(jié)討論如何在全球價(jià)值鏈的影響下不同類型的產(chǎn)業(yè)集群升級(jí)，同時(shí)特別注重關(guān)系和升級(jí)前景如何隨時(shí)間而改變。</p><p>　　2、集群和價(jià)值鏈的升級(jí)</p>

71、<p>　　隨著發(fā)展中國(guó)家融入全球市場(chǎng)一體化的深化，這些國(guó)家的企業(yè)面臨著越來(lái)越大的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)壓力。對(duì)于生產(chǎn)商，面對(duì)這種壓力要維持或增加收入，他們必須增加其活動(dòng)的技能含量和/進(jìn)入細(xì)分市場(chǎng)進(jìn)入壁壘具有絕緣性，因此在一定程度上從這些壓力或移動(dòng)。我們把這類活動(dòng)作為提升轉(zhuǎn)變。</p><p>　　無(wú)論是集群還是價(jià)值鏈方法強(qiáng)調(diào)升級(jí)，以面對(duì)日益增加的全球市場(chǎng)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的重要性。同樣的，都強(qiáng)調(diào)治理在升級(jí)所扮演的角色，用這個(gè)詞來(lái)表示

72、治理的合作，通過非市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)的協(xié)調(diào)關(guān)系。治理是特別重要的產(chǎn)生，轉(zhuǎn)讓和領(lǐng)先的技術(shù)創(chuàng)新，使企業(yè)提高其性能知識(shí)的傳播。然而，這兩種方法看到截然不同的基因位點(diǎn)的治理工作，學(xué)習(xí)與集群內(nèi)或鏈條，提升企業(yè)在發(fā)展中國(guó)家的機(jī)會(huì)截然不同的影響。</p><p>　　地方治理作為競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力來(lái)源的重要性已經(jīng)被特別強(qiáng)調(diào)在兩項(xiàng)最近的工作：區(qū)域科學(xué)（特別是工業(yè)區(qū)文學(xué)）及創(chuàng)新研究。這兩個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)的工作既充分考慮市場(chǎng)動(dòng)態(tài)，通過升級(jí)，實(shí)現(xiàn)通過高路，即競(jìng)爭(zhēng)

73、力。在工業(yè)區(qū)文獻(xiàn)的“第三意大利”和歐洲經(jīng)驗(yàn)引起了（20世紀(jì)90年代中后期1980s/early）到一個(gè)地方/區(qū)域產(chǎn)業(yè)政策的新模式，，（1）代表團(tuán)強(qiáng)調(diào)功能多樣化政府和非政府機(jī)構(gòu)的范圍;（2）公司通過機(jī)構(gòu)密切企業(yè);（3）擴(kuò)展了與私營(yíng)創(chuàng)業(yè)到公共部門的關(guān)注;及（4）強(qiáng)調(diào)通過企業(yè)和生產(chǎn)者協(xié)會(huì)財(cái)團(tuán)自助（BRUSCO，1990）。換句話說，知識(shí)的快速發(fā)展和集群內(nèi)的擴(kuò)散是并非只是偶然的協(xié)同作用的結(jié)果，是工業(yè)氛圍，由公共和私營(yíng)部門政策網(wǎng)絡(luò)（斯科特，199

74、6）培育。這導(dǎo)致了一個(gè)新的重點(diǎn)，作為一項(xiàng)關(guān)系地區(qū)的學(xué)習(xí)和創(chuàng)新的影響（例如，法語(yǔ)著作在環(huán)境上革新，MAILLAT，1996，斯托波，1995年）。</p><p>　　當(dāng)?shù)卣呔W(wǎng)絡(luò)的重要性也是中央到地方創(chuàng)新體系的工作。在20世紀(jì)90年代，隨著技術(shù)的發(fā)展有關(guān)文獻(xiàn)提出從對(duì)單個(gè)企業(yè)和創(chuàng)新與擴(kuò)散走向更大的關(guān)注與強(qiáng)烈的區(qū)別中學(xué)習(xí)的相互作用（倫德瓦爾，1993年）的重點(diǎn)，然后導(dǎo)致對(duì)創(chuàng)新系統(tǒng)的研究，在日益在區(qū)域和地方一級(jí)的國(guó)家則

75、第一（如弗里曼，1995年; EDQUIST，1997年;。BRACZYK等，1998）。盡管來(lái)自于一個(gè)集群文獻(xiàn)（開始于阿爾弗雷德馬歇爾），其中強(qiáng)調(diào)生產(chǎn)系統(tǒng)，對(duì)公司的接近，并附帶集聚經(jīng)濟(jì)，對(duì)當(dāng)?shù)氐膭?chuàng)新系統(tǒng)的工作從一開始就更加關(guān)注的知識(shí)體系，知識(shí)的提高組織的重要性，并自覺地追求互補(bǔ)的好處。最重要的是要強(qiáng)調(diào)的，就是既看到在促進(jìn)地方治理作為一項(xiàng)重要的補(bǔ)充，又看到從集聚所產(chǎn)生的附帶協(xié)同升級(jí)和競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。</p><p>　　

76、這種工業(yè)區(qū)關(guān)系，因?yàn)閲?guó)內(nèi)復(fù)雜的，但國(guó)外簡(jiǎn)單的視圖可以追溯到阿爾弗雷德馬歇爾：“在他的工業(yè)區(qū)原來(lái)的提法，如馬歇爾所設(shè)想的一個(gè)小業(yè)務(wù)結(jié)構(gòu)，當(dāng)?shù)貒?guó)有企業(yè)，使當(dāng)?shù)赝顿Y和生產(chǎn)決策....小區(qū)內(nèi)，大量的貿(mào)易買家和賣家之間的交易區(qū)域組成，通常將會(huì)導(dǎo)致長(zhǎng)期的合同或承諾馬歇爾雖然沒有明確這樣說，聯(lián)系和/或區(qū)外被假定為最小的企業(yè)合作”（馬庫(kù)森，1996：297-299）。</p><p>　　現(xiàn)代研究成果，認(rèn)識(shí)到外部關(guān)系，特別是當(dāng)這

77、些集群是出口導(dǎo)向時(shí)的重要性，但這種關(guān)系的性質(zhì)的特點(diǎn)是公平方式明示或暗示。特別是，在意大利的工業(yè)區(qū)大量的文獻(xiàn)（例如，派克等人，1990年；派克和SENGENBERGER，1992年；COSSENTINO等，1996）往往含有定性為全方位的活動(dòng)需要前往上述地區(qū)，為世界市場(chǎng)生產(chǎn)成品，或者至少是保留核心功能，如果一些生產(chǎn)活動(dòng)轉(zhuǎn)移到低工資地區(qū)。與此同時(shí)，這些地區(qū)有能力創(chuàng)新和獲取的來(lái)源和吸收區(qū)外整理的知識(shí)也需要（BRUSCO，1996：153）。這

78、種能力可能是明顯在企業(yè)層面和地方機(jī)構(gòu)，如技術(shù)機(jī)構(gòu)。升級(jí)集中于集群本身改進(jìn)產(chǎn)品和工藝。</p><p>　　無(wú)論是集群和地方創(chuàng)新體系的方法已被用來(lái)分析在發(fā)展中國(guó)家當(dāng)?shù)禺a(chǎn)業(yè)發(fā)展（CASSIOLATO和LASTRES，2000； NADVI，1999； RABELLOTTI，1997年；施密茨，1995年）。其應(yīng)用的特點(diǎn)是注意力集中在對(duì)當(dāng)?shù)仄髽I(yè)之間和與當(dāng)?shù)貦C(jī)構(gòu)的互動(dòng)上。在集群內(nèi)升級(jí)主要看作是帶動(dòng)企業(yè)和機(jī)構(gòu)。與此相反，與

79、外部世界的關(guān)系給予關(guān)注就少得多。</p><p>　　在全球價(jià)值鏈上的文獻(xiàn)需要對(duì)企業(yè)間的聯(lián)系非常不同的看法。委員會(huì)還關(guān)切升級(jí)通過鏈流動(dòng)需要的知識(shí)。已特別注意給予強(qiáng)有力的龍頭企業(yè)作用，承擔(dān)的功能整合和合作，分散活動(dòng)的國(guó)際協(xié)調(diào)（格里芬，1999：41）和治理結(jié)構(gòu)，由格里芬定義為權(quán)威和權(quán)力關(guān)系，在一條鏈中決定如何分配和流動(dòng)財(cái)力，物力和人力資源（1994：97）。我們認(rèn)為低于行使這樣的管理，全球龍頭企業(yè)也發(fā)揮在當(dāng)?shù)厣a(chǎn)者

80、升級(jí)機(jī)會(huì)的一個(gè)重要的角色。這將產(chǎn)生在一個(gè)鏈中供應(yīng)商和采購(gòu)商之間的關(guān)系強(qiáng)調(diào)不論在何處的位置，相應(yīng)對(duì)重點(diǎn)地區(qū)內(nèi)聯(lián)系。</p><p>　　全球價(jià)值鏈分析強(qiáng)調(diào)，當(dāng)?shù)厣a(chǎn)者從全球買家那里學(xué)習(xí)如何改善生產(chǎn)流程，達(dá)到一致的高品質(zhì)，并提高響應(yīng)速度。這種升級(jí)的促進(jìn)效應(yīng)，尤其是新的全球市場(chǎng)（基辛和拉爾，1992；皮奧里和魯伊斯杜蘭，1998年； 施米茨和KNORRINGA，2000年）。這也是產(chǎn)品升級(jí)的范圍。格里芬歸為組織繼承，一

81、個(gè)制造商開始為迎合買家的低端市場(chǎng)，然后移動(dòng)到針對(duì)買家細(xì)分市場(chǎng)更復(fù)雜的生產(chǎn)的過程：“這允許外國(guó)買家繼承從而提升自己的制造商設(shè)施，他們會(huì)見了買方需要更先進(jìn)的產(chǎn)品”（格里芬，1999：53）。它也可以出現(xiàn)在鏈中的龍頭企業(yè)，提升自己的最終產(chǎn)品的提供。道蘭和漢弗萊（2000）認(rèn)為，該行業(yè)的新鮮蔬菜，超市采用更先進(jìn)的產(chǎn)品加工和包裝，以及全新的產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)線的升級(jí)。</p><p><b>　　3、價(jià)值鏈治理</b

82、></p><p>　　全球價(jià)值鏈分析關(guān)注的是全球生產(chǎn)和分銷系統(tǒng)是如何組織的。這些涉及到不同公司的經(jīng)常性交易。此類交易如何組織可能在交易成本經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)上有記載(見,例如,威廉姆森,1975年,《1979年)。在不確定性為特征的情況下，有限理性（信息可能不可用，或只在一定的收購(gòu)費(fèi)用）與經(jīng)濟(jì)主體之間的利益分歧，統(tǒng)籌安排，要?jiǎng)?chuàng)造的最小化總生產(chǎn)和交易成本。負(fù)責(zé)統(tǒng)籌的關(guān)鍵問題是：</p><p>

83、　　要生產(chǎn)什么。這涉及到產(chǎn)品的設(shè)計(jì)，無(wú)論是在廣泛的概念和詳細(xì)規(guī)格。</p><p>　　它是如何產(chǎn)生。這涉及到生產(chǎn)過程的定義，其中可以包括如要使用的技術(shù)，質(zhì)量體系，勞工標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和環(huán)境標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的元素。</p><p>　　物理產(chǎn)品流：要生產(chǎn)多少數(shù)量的產(chǎn)品，什么時(shí)候，以及產(chǎn)品鏈流程將被如何處理。</p><p>　　交易成本的兩種常見的文學(xué)標(biāo)識(shí)為統(tǒng)籌安排市場(chǎng)和層次結(jié)構(gòu)。市場(chǎng)是有

84、效的，特別是對(duì)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)產(chǎn)品。一條價(jià)值鏈中不同點(diǎn)之間的協(xié)調(diào)要求低, 對(duì)產(chǎn)品的估值和供應(yīng)商的性能監(jiān)測(cè)是相對(duì)容易，而且規(guī)模經(jīng)濟(jì)可能是巨大的。買家和供應(yīng)商維持著公平的市場(chǎng)關(guān)系。這意味著產(chǎn)品(a)標(biāo)準(zhǔn),或可以定制容易;或(b)是由買方提供的圖紙 (實(shí)際上,采購(gòu)生產(chǎn)者的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)生產(chǎn)技能)。這進(jìn)一步意味著買方要求能通過一系列的公司得到滿足。如果特定的過程或程序的功能要求，滿足它們通過應(yīng)用非經(jīng)常交易的具體標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，由獨(dú)立的認(rèn)證驗(yàn)證。</p><

85、p>　　隨著特定買家的需求，產(chǎn)品變得更加的個(gè)性化，或當(dāng)它變得難以監(jiān)測(cè)供應(yīng)商的表現(xiàn)或正在供應(yīng)的產(chǎn)品難以定價(jià)，則交易成本增加，交易成本增加,買方和賣方需要在更密切地互動(dòng)合作，協(xié)調(diào)產(chǎn)生什么，如何生產(chǎn)和何時(shí)生產(chǎn)。這增加了復(fù)雜的評(píng)價(jià)水平和未來(lái)的不確定因素。反過來(lái),這進(jìn)一步增加了談判的成本和費(fèi)用和引入適當(dāng)?shù)谋Ｕ洗胧?、如監(jiān)測(cè)另一方的表現(xiàn)，進(jìn)行全面、明確的承諾。此外,制造定制產(chǎn)品,用來(lái)滿足顧客的需要（這可能與產(chǎn)品設(shè)計(jì)，工藝，或交付有關(guān)附表）增加了

86、使用特定資產(chǎn)進(jìn)行交易的可能性。這就使得這些資產(chǎn)的所有者容易產(chǎn)生機(jī)會(huì)主義行為。因此,定制和復(fù)雜的交流，涉及增加了交易成本。與此同時(shí),潛在的規(guī)模經(jīng)濟(jì)下跌,因?yàn)楫a(chǎn)品已經(jīng)不再是一種標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的。因此, 統(tǒng)籌范圍內(nèi)的企業(yè)（層次結(jié)構(gòu)，或垂直整合）的邊界活動(dòng)變得更具成本效益。</p><p>　　交易成本理論曾用于解釋決定在內(nèi)部生產(chǎn)或者和外包。在國(guó)際方面,它可以用來(lái)解釋為什么公司采用保持距離的決策，而不是從外國(guó)直接投資。然而,價(jià)值鏈

87、的作用的研究集中在創(chuàng)造買家的全球生產(chǎn)和銷售網(wǎng)絡(luò)。在極端的情況下,大型零售商或名牌公司組織生產(chǎn)系統(tǒng),集中在各個(gè)國(guó)家生產(chǎn)商,但是沒有擁有任何自己的制造設(shè)施。這些系統(tǒng)是否網(wǎng)絡(luò)特點(diǎn):他們是在正式獨(dú)立，持續(xù)的、結(jié)構(gòu)化的交易方式的公司。</p><p>　　4、價(jià)值鏈關(guān)系和集群的升級(jí)在第三節(jié)的分析表明，在價(jià)值鏈的可以區(qū)別四種類型的關(guān)系：</p><p>　　公平市場(chǎng)的關(guān)系。買家和供應(yīng)商不發(fā)展密切的關(guān)

88、系。這意味著，供應(yīng)商有能力生產(chǎn)該產(chǎn)品的買方需求，也希望買家的要求（包括質(zhì)量，可靠性等）可以由一個(gè)范圍內(nèi)企業(yè)實(shí)現(xiàn)。</p><p>　　網(wǎng)絡(luò)。企業(yè)形成一個(gè)有更多的信息交集的合作關(guān)系，經(jīng)常劃分的基本價(jià)值鏈之間的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力，經(jīng)常劃分基本價(jià)值鏈之間的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。這種關(guān)系的特點(diǎn)是相互依賴。在這種情況下，買方可以指定某些產(chǎn)品要達(dá)到的執(zhí)行標(biāo)準(zhǔn)或過程標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，但供應(yīng)商應(yīng)該有信心能夠滿足這些需求。</p><p>