新聞專業(yè)外文翻譯--傳統(tǒng)在線資源和政治參與一份關于互聯(lián)網是如何改變政治環(huán)境的評估

1、<p><b>　　中文2726字</b></p><p><b>　　畢業(yè)設計/論文</b></p><p>　　外 文 文 獻 翻 譯</p><p>　　院 系 新聞與法學學院 </p><p>　　專 業(yè) 班 級

2、 </p><p>　　姓　 名 </p><p>　　原 文 出 處 new media & society </p><p>　　評 分 </p><p>　　指 導 教

3、師 </p><p><b>　　2015年1月</b></p><p><b>　　第一部分 譯文</b></p><p>　　傳統(tǒng)在線資源和政治參與:一份關于互聯(lián)網是如何改變政治環(huán)境的評估</p><p>　　赫吉爾·德·

4、祖尼加尤拉莉亞</p><p><b>　　摘要：</b></p><p>　　研究一致表明,無論是在線和離線，新聞消費都與人際關系的討論有積極的聯(lián)系,包括政治參與。然而,新來源的角色信息可能被不同形式的政治參與考慮的很少?；趯ζび然ヂ?lián)網和美國生活項目的二次分析數(shù)據收集,本文對比了傳統(tǒng)的信息來源對網絡的影響與緊急來源(博客)對進一步政治討論的預測,活動參與在線和離線

5、域。結果表明,傳統(tǒng)渠道網絡的使用是積極相關的不同類型的政治參與,在線和離線。最有趣的是,這篇文章發(fā)現(xiàn)使用博客成為一個同樣重要的在線預測政治參與領域。分析提供支持論點即維護互聯(lián)網的民主潛力。</p><p>　　關鍵詞: 博客 互聯(lián)網 政治參與 政治</p><p><b>　　引言：</b></p><p>　　計算機中介通信的進步(CMC)繼

6、續(xù)滋長在社會科學和人文科學技術和社會變革的過程中的不斷增加的爭論,并增加社會互動的影響,技術的使用以及社區(qū)生活。</p><p>　　這樣的爭論已經被定義為烏托邦與反烏托邦雙方間的較量,體現(xiàn)在互聯(lián)網和它的一些應用程序尤其嚴重。</p><p>　　盡管最初擔憂某些通信技術的可能性會增加社會隔離,因此，卡斯特(2001)指出,大部分的爭論發(fā)生在互聯(lián)網使用的早期階段之前的廣泛擴散技術,因此大多

7、數(shù)的謠言沒有以量的經驗證據為基礎。</p><p>　　根據許多證據顯示,互聯(lián)網使用必須加強對尋求信息和對社交能力的影響。最近的發(fā)現(xiàn)證實,某些網絡的使用增加了公民參與和信任度,提高了志愿服務,增強了個人交互,并增加新聞消費。更有趣的是,似乎預示著信息革命和大量的信息通過并不僅僅基于傳統(tǒng)在線新聞來源的遷移。通過一個相互聯(lián)系的觀點的出現(xiàn)時,也會出現(xiàn)個人日記,空間或博客,。始于1990年代中期,但真正獲得了世紀之交后的

8、牽引。</p><p>　　截至2004年,皮尤網絡與美國生活項目估計,800萬美國人創(chuàng)建了博客,3200萬人閱讀了博客(在不到一年的時間里增長了58%)。到2008年底,Technorati,一個博客搜索引擎,跟蹤了全球1.33億個博客,每天總計9000億的帖子。</p><p>　　初步研究這個話題，特權博客形式的自我表達和自我表現(xiàn)。然而,博客越來越被描繪成社區(qū)論壇,政治機構在一個給定

9、的政治網站和作為一個互動空間。</p><p>　　本研究旨在通過檢查為現(xiàn)存的文獻的評估博客的整體潛力作為前期的政治參與。本文提出,由于網絡結構的功能是組成一個新的社會形態(tài),修改關系,經濟生產和政治力量,促進橫向溝通,每個人都有可能參與公共領域,博客可能會影響民主進程。因此,博客本身可能作為一種替代的信息來源和政治行動組織,導致增加的政治參與。</p><p>　　盡管不是所有博客用戶都會

10、訪問政治博客,而只有3%的博客文章在任何給定的時間可以劃分為政治博客。博客的密集的互連,通常被稱為博客圈,構成了公共空間的討論，以及社交網絡可以重塑或擴大信息可用性以及參與政治的動機。</p><p>　　鑒于這一點,本文的目的是評估博客使用在線博客和離線博客對政治參與的影響。依靠全國性調查收集的數(shù)據---2004年皮尤互聯(lián)網和美國生活項目,我們對博客的影響進行了實證模型，并對網上政治討論和網上活動,以及其他形式

11、的參與做了解釋,不管是在線或者離線。</p><p><b>　　博客</b></p><p>　　雖然博客沒有公認的定義(湯普森,2003年),最初將他們定義為在線互動雜志,促進用戶之間的信息交換,或“博客”。通常主題倒序排列和博客信息動態(tài)更新的負責人,或通過其他人參與(博士倫,2003)。因此,博客可以作為個人日記、技術討論、體育評論,名人八卦網站或政治討論,等等

12、(法瑞爾,2004)。博客和博客讀者的內容不一定是由第三方編輯評論,通常指意見、經驗、事實和問題(科爾曼,2004)。盡管缺乏正式的編輯,博客發(fā)布或修正帖子已被認為比任何其他在線媒體或傳統(tǒng)新聞媒體容易的多(布魯,2003),特別是當一個人管理這個博客時。</p><p>　　博客的另一個獨特的特征是他們將鏈接到其他博客、網頁、論壇等,以這樣一個方式,博客成為相互聯(lián)系和相互依存的,其中一些成為焦點中間的人,是相關度

13、最高的(依蘭,2005;科爾曼,2005;法雷爾,2004年,約翰遜和凱,2004;辛格,2005;湯普森,2003)。鏈接對博客的概念是如此的重要,以至于有些人將此作為博客的定義特征(貝克和,2006;湯普森,2006)。但這絕不是一個博客的奇異特性;例如,網頁和聊天室也有超鏈接。</p><p>　　在這篇文章中,博客被認為是圍繞中心話題互動的、并在異步的網頁主機上傳帖子。這個話題不需要新聞,或書面的標準以及

14、傳統(tǒng)媒體的實踐經歷(平衡觀點,基于事實的報告等)。雖然并不是所有的博客都允許評論,博客讀者通常認為能夠通過編寫評論回應博客帖子以及其他讀者評論(雖然這個假設是有問題的,更多的需要注冊的博客發(fā)表評論,或者完全不允許他們評論)。</p><p>　　因為大多數(shù)博客是未經編輯的,文章排序從無關緊要到嚴肅;事實上都行(布魯,2005)。該特性通過讓每個人都有機會參與和表達他們的意見來增加博客的訪問量,并且沒有知識或政治的

15、限制。此外,相較于一個典型的網站(法雷爾,2004;記者無國界,2005),它已成為非常便宜和易于創(chuàng)建以及維護的一個博客(法雷爾,2004;詹森,2003)。同樣,所有這些特征(包括減少手續(xù),增加了自由和易用性)使博客成為突發(fā)新聞網站,并且超過了在線新聞媒體和廣播媒體(布魯,2003;湯普森,2003)。</p><p>　　關于博客的研究一直主要集中在解釋它們是什么(依蘭,2005;科爾曼,2005）;他們的歷

16、史(布魯,2003）;他們的主要活動(布魯,2005);如何可以訪問,通航,和他們是多么容易(特拉梅爾,2006 );如何分類;和使用它們的動機(鯡魚,2006;特拉梅爾,2006)。</p><p>　　在2004年的總統(tǒng)選舉,政治運動考驗了博客,以鞏固他們的政治基礎;事實上,博客成為政客與公民的常用工具（柯克,2005),以此來爭取年輕選民(特拉梅爾,2007)。這一趨勢的最有趣的一個例子是美國霍華德

17、3;迪恩的博客，它是用來協(xié)調競選活動的(布魯,2005)。初步研究顯示用博客競選是高水平的運動,控制的內容幾乎沒有異議．與挑戰(zhàn)者采取更多的負面基調往往專注于先前的帖子,和傾向于保持用戶在博客上的界限,主要是通過使用內部超鏈接(特拉梅爾,2006 )。更具體地說,學者研究博客顯示,它們主要用于表達和觀察社會和政治信息(約翰遜,2006）。然而,盡管這些人嘗試看特定的政治博客,很少有研究調查博客使用在政治領域系統(tǒng)的一般影響。</p&g

18、t;<p>　　例如,盡管Eveland和Dylko努力并試圖建立一個博客使用與政治參與之間的關系,他們沒有發(fā)現(xiàn)顯著的結果——一個結果,早期階段，這些作者的的博客使用擴散。</p><p>　　互聯(lián)網的使用和政治參與</p><p>　　反駁反烏托邦觀點的新技術,許多研究發(fā)現(xiàn)互聯(lián)網的信息使用與社會資本之間的關系,政治參與,和公民參與(詹寧斯,2003)。提供的證據表明,在線互

19、動可以補充人際關系,導致增加自愿協(xié)會會員和政治參與。德國人及其同事回顧他的早期研究,聲稱互聯(lián)網使用的負面影響已經“消失”。相反,他們發(fā)現(xiàn)“積極利用互聯(lián)網對通信的影響,社會參與,會越來越好”。</p><p>　　雖然有些擔心,新聞在網絡環(huán)境中可能導致社會分裂和位移的社區(qū)問題,人們查看網絡環(huán)境的空間政治關系重新啟動,特別是對于年輕人。研究表明,在線新聞使用是補充而不是取代傳統(tǒng)新聞消費(奧爾,2000)。事實上,網上

20、查詢有關積極組成員,社區(qū)參與和政治活動(夸克和布朗,2006)。同樣,網上信息搜索與在線互動公民傳遞一直在增加,最終導致更高水平的公民參與(莎拉,2005)。</p><p>　　新媒體與社會，2009年第11卷(4)</p><p>　　第二部分 外文原文</p><p>　　Weblogs, traditional sources online and pol

21、itical participation: an assessment of how the internet is changing the political environment</p><p>　　HOMERO GIL DE ZÚÑIGA，EULÀLIA PUIG-I-ABRIL，HERNANDO ROJAS</p><p><b>　　A

22、bstract</b></p><p>　　Research has shown consistently that news consumption both online and offline is related positively to interpersonal discussion, political involvement and political engagement. How

23、ever, little consideration has been given to the role that new sources of information may exert on different forms of political engagement. Based on secondary analysis of data collected by the Pew Internet & American

24、 Life Project, this article contrasts the influence of traditional sources of information online with th</p><p>　　Key words：blogs ? internet ? political participation ? politics</p><p>　　INTRODU

25、CTION</p><p>　　Advances in computer mediated communication (CMC) continue to feed a burgeoning debate within the social sciences and the humanities over the process of technological and social change, and th

26、e implications that technology use has for social interaction as well as for community life overall.</p><p>　　This debate has been characterized in terms of utopian versus dystopian views of CMC, and has bee

27、n particularly acute for the internet and some of its applications (see for example Graber et al., 2004; Katz and Rice, 2002).</p><p>　　Despite initial concerns with the possibility that certain communicatio

28、n technologies would actually increase social isolation, as Castells (2001) points out, most of this debate took place in the early stages of internet use before widespread diffusion of the technology, and therefore most

29、 claims were not based on a substantial body of empirical evidence.</p><p>　　As empirical evidence accumulates, the internet is shown to have to had reinforcing effects on information-seeking and sociability

30、. Recent findings confirm that certain web uses contribute to civic engagement and trust (Shah et al., 2005), increased volunteerism (Jennings and Zeitner, 2003), enhanced personal interactions (Hampton and Wellman, 2003

31、), and increased news consumption (Althaus and Tewksbury, 2000). More interestingly, it appears that the much heralded information revolution and the </p><p>　　By 2004, the Pew Internet & American Life P

32、roject (see Rainie, 2005) estimated that 8 million Americans had created blogs, and that 32 million Americans read blogs (a 58% increase in less than a year). By the end of 2008, Technorati (www.technorati.com), a blog s

33、earch engine, tracked 133 million blogs worldwide, totaling 900,000 million posts daily.</p><p>　　Initial research on this topic has privileged blogs as forms of self-expression and self-presentation (Herrin

34、g et al., 2004; Trammell and Keshelashvili, 2005); however, blogs are portrayed increasingly as community forums (Nardi et al., 2004), political outlets (Kerbel and Bloom, 2005; Sweetser and Kaid, 2008; Trammell et al.,

35、2006b) and as an interactive space within a given political website (Meraz, 2007).</p><p>　　This study seeks to contribute to the extant literature by examining the overall potential of blog use as an antece

36、dent of political participation. This article proposes that due to the capability of networked structures to compose a new morphology of society, modifying relationships, economic production and political power (see Cast

37、ells, 2001), facilitating horizontal communication where everyone potentially can participate in the public sphere (Castells, 2007), blogs may influence the democrat</p><p>　　Despite the fact that not all bl

38、og users visit political blogs (27% during 2008, according to Pew Research Centre for the People and the Press, 2008), and that only 3 percent of blog posts at any given time can be classified as political ( see Blogpuls

39、e: http://www.blogpulse.com/index.html ), the dense interconnection of blogs, commonly referred to as the blogosphere (Quick, 2002), constitutes a public space of discussion and social networking which can reshape or ex

40、pand information availabilit</p><p>　　In light of this, it is the goal of this article to assess the impact of blog use on both online and offline political participation. Relying on national survey data col

41、lected by the Pew Internet & American Life Project in 2004 (www.pewinternet.org), we model empirically the impact of blog use in explaining online political discussion and online campaigning, as well as other forms o

42、f participation, both online and offline.</p><p><b>　　BLOGS</b></p><p>　　Although there is no agreed-upon definition of blogs (Thompson, 2003), initial definitions have referred to t

43、hem as online interactive journals that facilitate information exchange between users, or ‘bloggers’. Usually topics are arranged in reverse chronological order and information is updated dynamically by the person in cha

44、rge of the blog, or by others who participate in it (Bausch et al., 2002; Weil, 2003). Thus, blogs can function as personal diaries, technical discussion, sports commentar</p><p>　　Another distinctive featur

45、e of blogs is the fact that they incorporate links to other blogs, webpages, forums, etc., in such a way that blogs become interconnected and interdependent, with some of them becoming central in terms of those to which

46、others are the most linked (Bar-Ilan, 2005; Coleman, 2004; Drezner and Farrell, 2004; Johnson and Kaye, 2004; Singer, 2005; Thompson, 2003). Links are so important to the notion of blogging that some call this their defi

47、ning characteristic (Baker and Str</p><p>　　In this article, blogs are considered to be interactive, non-synchronous webpages whose host uploads postings that center around a topic. The topic need not be new

48、s, or written following the standards and practices of traditional media (balance in viewpoints, fact-based reporting, etc.). Although not all blogs allow for comments on the postings, blog readers typically are assumed

49、to be able to respond by writing comments to bloggers’ postings as well as to other readers’ comments (although this </p><p>　　Because most blogs are unedited, posts range from trivial to serious; in fact, a

50、nything goes (Kerbel and Bloom, 2005). This feature increases access to blogs by giving everyone the opportunity to participate and express their opinions without intellectual or political restrictions. Moreover, it has

51、become extremely inexpensive and easy to create and maintain a blog (Dearstyne, 2005; Drezner and Farrell, 2004; Jensen, 2003), more so than a typical website (Drezner and Farrell, 2004; Reporters wit</p><p>

52、;　　Studies about blogs have been centered primarily on explaining what they are (Bar-Ilan, 2005; Coleman, 2004; Dearstyne, 2005); their history (Bloom, 2003; Jensen, 2003); their main activities (Kerbel and Bloom, 2005);

53、 how accessible, navigable, and how easy to post they are (Trammell et al., 2006b); how to classify them (Dearstyne, 2005); and the motivations to use them (Herring et al., 2006; Trammell et al., 2006a).</p><p

54、>　　In the 2004 presidential election, political campaigns experimented with blogs in order to energize their political base; in fact, they became common tools for politicians to communicate with citizens (Lawson-Borde

55、rs and Kirk, 2005), with an emphasis on young voters (Trammell, 2007). One of the most interesting examples of this trend was how Howard Dean’s Blog for America was used to coordinate campaign activities (Kerbel and Bloo

56、m, 2005). Initial studies of campaign blogs suggest high levels of</p><p>　　For example, although Eveland and Dylko (2007) did attempt to establish a relationship between blog use and political knowledge and