[雙語翻譯]就業(yè)歧視外文翻譯--就業(yè)過程中的種族和性別歧視

1、5500 英文單詞， 英文單詞，3.2 萬英文字符，中文 萬英文字符，中文 9700 字文獻(xiàn)出處： 文獻(xiàn)出處：Skaggs S, Bridges J. Race and sex discrimination in the employment process[J]. Sociology Compass, 2013, 7(5): 404-415.Race and Sex Discrimination in the Employment P

2、rocessShery Skaggs and Jennifer BridgesAbstractIn this article, we outline the evidence demonstrating the pervasiveness of sex and race ? ethnic workplace discrimination, paying particular attention to the areas of hirin

3、g, compensation, and evaluations and promotions. Key sociological explanations for why and how these forms of employment discrimination occur are also examined. Although discrimination is often considered as discrete act

4、s that occur within employment arrangements, the existing research suggests the presence of an underlying set of processes and choices that accumulate over time. These processes have clear implications for how discrimina

5、tion is understood and the ways in which such events compound over career trajectories. Based on our examination of this literature, we suggest areas for improved theorizing, measurement, and analysis.Discrimination, in

6、its various forms, continues to garner much attention in media outlets, business circles, and within the scholarly community. Although employment discrimination based on sex and race is illegal, considerable evidence exi

7、st showing that employers systematically treat individuals differently based on these characteristics. Most popular conceptions of discrimination rely on a presumption of animus by employers and include narratives of ind

8、ividual villains and victims. However, the real story of employment dis- crimination is more complicated and nuanced. It is often difficult to locate specific villains, and while individuals suffer, the harm is systemati

9、c.Discrimination occurs when one individual is treated differently than another solely on the basis of some characteristic. For the purposes of this article, we are interested in disparate treatment based on sex and race

10、. The processes that underlie discrimination are often quite complex; disparate treatment can be motivated by hostility or dislike towards certain social groups, may flow from unconscious biases held by employers and cow

11、orkers, or result from institutional policies and practices that systematically favor certain groups over others. The classic example of discrimination is an employer explicitly choosing to hire one person over another s

12、olely based on race or sex. But discrimination can be found in disparate levels of compensation, in non-monetary rewards such as training and opportunities, and in on-the-job evaluations, treatment, and promotions. Discr

13、imination may also be an overt action, but it is more often a subtle phenomenon that occurs despite overtly- held egalitarian beliefs.While the literature on this topic is quite vast, in this paper we outline the evidenc

14、e demonstrating the pervasiveness of sex and race ? ethnic workplace discrimination, paying particular attention to the areas of hiring, compensation, and evaluations and promotions. Certainly other types of disparate tr

15、eatment exist, but it is within these areas that some of the strongest evidence exists. We follow this with an examination of key sociological explanations for why and how these forms of employment discrimination occur.

16、Lastly, because we view discrimination as a complex set of processes that can be difficult to mea- sure and model, we discuss potential strategies for advancing research in this area.Evidence of employment discrimination

17、WagesEmployment wage disparities are well documented in the sociological and economic literatures. Discrimination likely plays at least some role in the wage setting process at the points of employment entry, evaluation,

18、 and promotion. However, the extent to which this occurs is not so evident. Because studies vary on their approaches to examining inequality in pay, results of this line of research tend to be mixed.Some of the most subs

19、tantial evidence of wage inequality centers on decision-making at the stage of hiring. Here, the literature shows how disparities emerge as women and racial ? ethnic minorities are often segregated into jobs with lower p

20、ay (Huffman and Cohen 2004; Kmec 2003; Semyonov and Herring 2007). One argument along this line is that the high concentration of women and non-whites into particular jobs and occupations leads to unequal wages. Research

21、 by Huffman and Cohen (2004) provide evidence of this type of process finding that African-American workers are more disadvantaged, both in terms of wages and opportunities. Not only do African-Americans receive lower wa

22、ges as a result of being relegated to black-typed jobs, but are also frequently excluded from high quality jobs offering greater training and pay. Semyonov and Herring (2007) provide similar evidence, although their resu

23、lts further point to reduced earnings for blacks, regardless of the racial ? ethnic composition of jobs. Interestingly, scholars find different processes operating for Hispanic workers in that they tend to benefit from h

24、igher wages in ethnically segregated jobs, compared to jobs dominated by whites (see also Aldrich et al. 1985; Seymyonov 1988; Waldinger et al. 1990).In large part, this line of study suggests that discriminatory practic

25、es operate to segregate workers by jobs, which tends to provide the basis for differential pay and employment opportunities. Another prevalent debate within this literature relates to wage discrepancies between largely f

26、emale dominated occupations and those typically typed as male. As England, Allison and Wu (2007) show in their study of occupational feminization and pay, occupations are likely to be established with a gender in mind. T

27、his process tends to result in lower wage setting for women in female dominated occupations than those predominately occupied by men. Thus, this research points to a wage setting process that coincides with gender typing

28、 of occupations, rather than a feminization of occupations in which pay declines as women’s representation increases. Other research has provided similar evidence. For instance, in a study of occupational earnings deteri

29、oration, Catanzarite (2003) found pay to be causally linked to gender composition, suggesting that inequality largely emerges from female overrepresentation in certain occupations, instead of simply through cultural deva

30、luation after women enter these areas of employment.Research within occupations has also pointed to continuing wage disparities, net of human capital. For example, in a study of veterinarians, Smith (2002) found signific

31、ant differences in pay, but not productivity, among female and male veterinarians, after controlling for a number of observable individual characteristics. Castilla (2008) documents what he terms ‘‘performance-reward bia

32、s,’’ in which women and minorities with the same performance evaluation scores as their white and male colleagues receive smaller wage increases for their performance.While it is not possible to accurately measure and ac

33、count for all sources of wage inequality, it stands to reason that at least some of the observed differences are associated with discrimination. As Kmec (2003) notes, the fact that differences in wages exist even after a