在新奧爾良的數(shù)字媒體與政治的災(zāi)難恢復(fù)【外文翻譯】

1、<p><b>　　外文翻譯</b></p><p><b>　　原文</b></p><p>　　Digital Media and the Politics of Disaster Recovery in New Orleans</p><p>　　Material Source:Multimedia Exp

2、lorations in Urban Policy and Planning </p><p>　　Author:Jacob A.Wagner</p><p>　　What kind of America would we have if New Orleans never existed? Certainly not one that was beloved for two centur

3、ies around the world for the daring of its music, the inventiveness of its culture, the epic sweep of its writers. Certainly not an America whose cities are now waking from ages-long slumber to find their night, their yo

4、uth, their creative energies.(Andrei Codrescu, 2006, p. 36)</p><p>　　6.1 Introduction</p><p>　　In the wake of Hurricane Katrina and the failure of the federal hurricane protection system, reside

5、nts of New Orleans have struggled to rebuild their city in a context of uncertainty, contested leadership, and a highly politicized planning process. In the absence of a well-organized process, people have turned to othe

6、r modes of planning action to address the problems of communication and information experienced during the recovery. In this chaotic context, digital communication tools served as a</p><p>　　In contrast to e

7、xisting research on New Orleans recovery planning that emphasizes government-led planning (Nelson, Ehrenfeucht, & Laska, 2007; Olshansky, Johnson, Horne, & Nee, 2008), I find that the most significant aspect of t

8、he New Orleans experience has been the recovery activism and unofficial planning led by citizens. In particular, this chapter explores the political dimensions of digital media and their use in the official and unofficia

9、l planning processes following Hurricane Katrina. I </p><p>　　Given the proliferation of planning action in post-disaster New Orleans, this case study provides a critical opportunity to analyze practice in t

10、he context of existing scholarship. In particular, this case study considers New Orleans planning processes in light of recent debates in planning theory about critical pragmatism, communicative action and social learnin

11、g (Beauregard, 2000; Lauria & Wagner,2006; Friedmann, 2003; Collins & Ison, 2006), the use of digital media in planning (Drummond & Fre</p><p>　　In New Orleans, grassroots innovation stands in st

12、ark contrast to the processes sponsored by elected officials and government agencies. Unofficial planning processes have often been a form of advocacy planning in response to the official processes (Culley & Hughey,

13、2008, p. 102) that occurred between the fall of 2005 and the spring of 2007. While many of these unofficial plans were produced by neighborhood organizations, it is important to point out that the unofficial planning has

14、 not been limi</p><p>　　The unofficial processes include the plans developed by neighborhood associations, local community development corporations (CDCs), nonprofit organizations, and private individuals. T

15、hese include plans developed by the Mid City Neighborhood Organization Plan, Mary Queen of Vietnam CDC, Broadmoor Improvement Association, Holy Cross Neighborhood, and the Friends of Lafitte Corridor, as well as the advo

16、cacy-oriented meetings run by Neighborhood Planning Network. I find that important social learnin</p><p>　　While neighborhoods and nonprofit organizations mobilized through electronic communications, the off

17、icial plans lagged behind the processes led by citizens in terms of social learning, empowerment, and the use of digital media. The official processes include the plans sponsored by elected officials or government agenci

18、es and managed by teams of private consultants. In New Orleans this includes (inchronological order) the following: the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s ESF-14 Plan, the Mayor</p><p>　　Since its rocky s

19、tart in late July 2006, the UNOP process was staged as a high-stakes recovery plan that developed in a media-saturated context , which raises significant questions about the balance between the need for documentation and

20、 publicity versus the saturation of planning by media spectacle. Despite heightened public awareness of planning and increased expectations about recovery information and communication, the UNOP plan neither emerged from

21、 civic activism nor captured public approva</p><p>　　While on the surface the UNOP plan appears to be the result of a process enhanced by the use of the latest digital technology, underlying aspects of the U

22、NOP process, including its governing structure, and Community Congress II “town hall” meeting suggest a need to analyze how the use of digital media impacts planning processes, the content of plans, and outcomes. Althoug

23、h digital media provide new opportunities for the enhancement of participatory processes, the evidence from post-Katrina New O</p><p>　　I find that the shortcomings of the “final” recovery planning process –

24、 the Unified New Orleans Plan (UNOP) – are symptomatic of a crisis of democratic governance that has prevented a more equitable recovery from occurring. The management structure created to facilitate the UNOP process and

25、 the public meetings, including Community Congress II, are analyzed below.</p><p>　　I argue that the UNOP plan presents a troubling case of privatized planning, planning as media spectacle, and conflict avoi

26、dance that exposes both the strengths and weaknesses of digital media use in urban planning.</p><p>　　6.1.1 Disaster Recovery and the Digital City</p><p>　　Viewed from the perspective of plannin

27、g theory, the flurry of planning and design activity in New Orleans represents a confluence of trends in participation, communication, and digital technology that heralds the arrival of a new era of practice in which dig

28、ital media and communications are ubiquitous – yet deeply political and contested. Whether or not this new era represents the triumph of the visual image in urban planning (Neuman, 2000, p. 348) or a “second revolution”

29、in the use of technolo</p><p>　　So, while the current planning moment in New Orleans may be “new” in this sense, perennial issues within planning ethics and theory are heightened rather than resolved by this

30、 emergent context for practice. These key concerns include the following:1.citizen influence and empowerment in local governance and spatial decision-making, 2. elite and expert control of planning processes versus plann

31、ing based on collaborationand mutual understanding, and 3. the communicative politics of planning informa</p><p>　　From the perspective of Digital City scholarship, Batty (2001) and Craglia (2004) offer a he

32、uristic device to explore the complex and sometimes contradictory relationships between the digital and the physical city. </p><p>　　Applying this framework to New Orleans, we can explore the complex mediati

33、ons between the digital city and the physical city, digital modes of representing the physical city, and how traditional practices of planning and design have been altered or expanded by digital methods of representing a

34、nd understanding the city.</p><p>　　This matrix suggests additional questions. Are the digital modes of representing and thinking about cities simply a reinvention of “traditional” approaches? Have digital m

35、odes of urban representation fundamentally altered planning practice and our ways of representing the urban experience? Have digital representations of New Orleans following the catastrophe created a new understanding of

36、 the city, a new legibility of its creole urbanism (Wagner, 2008) or its planning apparatus? Finally – how ha</p><p>　　While New Orleans may provide an extreme case of planning under the pressure of disaster

37、 recovery, the ubiquity of digital means of understanding and representing the physical city, its people, and places suggests the significance of the New Orleans experience for urban planning practice. This case study de

38、monstrates that rather than simply facilitating participation, citizen, and professional use of digital media in planning creates new challenges and dilemmas for practitioners who seek to deve</p><p><b&g

39、t;　　譯文</b></p><p>　　在新奧爾良的數(shù)字媒體與政治的災(zāi)難恢復(fù)</p><p>　　資料來源: 多媒體在城市的政策和規(guī)劃的探索 作者：杰克勃 瓦納</p><p>　　假使新奧爾良從來沒有存在過，美國將會如何？可以確定的是，那將肯定不是那個(gè)因?yàn)橛赂摇?chuàng)新、史記而被全世界深愛兩個(gè)世紀(jì)的國家，也不會是那個(gè)正從沉睡中蘇醒的國家。(An

40、drei Codrescu, 2006, 36頁)</p><p><b>　　6.1介紹</b></p><p>　　在Katrina颶風(fēng)的沖擊以及政府無力的應(yīng)對下，新奧爾良的居民們努力地重建他們的家園。然而一切都在不確定，政權(quán)不穩(wěn)定之下進(jìn)行著。由于缺乏統(tǒng)籌規(guī)劃，人們只好用其他的方式來解決溝通和信息方面的問題。在混亂的時(shí)局下，數(shù)字通訊工具起到了一個(gè)至關(guān)重要的作用。它

41、提供了一個(gè)批判政治無能，疏于規(guī)劃的平臺，充分地體現(xiàn)了社會學(xué)系和社會政治的互相牽制(Rocha，1997； Friedmann，1987)。</p><p>　　現(xiàn)有關(guān)于新奧爾良的重建計(jì)劃都強(qiáng)調(diào)了政府在此過程中的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位 (Nelson， Ehrenfeucht，& Laska，2007， Olshansky， Johnson， Horne， & Nee， 2008)，然而與此不同，我發(fā)現(xiàn)在新奧爾良

42、經(jīng)歷中起到?jīng)Q定作用的是重建的能動性以及市民進(jìn)行的非官方的規(guī)劃。尤其是這個(gè)章節(jié)將要探索的數(shù)字媒體的政治功能以及他們在Katrina颶風(fēng)過后官方和非官方規(guī)劃中的作用。我將著重于闡述不同規(guī)劃造成的緊張局勢以及應(yīng)用數(shù)字媒體的不同方法。由于新奧爾良的重建計(jì)劃是迄今為止數(shù)字化使用最多的計(jì)劃，對其中數(shù)字工具(見 Ritchin，2009)的應(yīng)用以及長遠(yuǎn)影響的研究將會在決定它們在如今這個(gè)數(shù)字時(shí)代，網(wǎng)絡(luò)社會中對于城市規(guī)劃的意義具有至關(guān)重要的作用。<

43、/p><p>　　由于新奧爾良大量的災(zāi)后計(jì)劃行動，這個(gè)實(shí)例分析提供了一個(gè)研究實(shí)踐在現(xiàn)有學(xué)術(shù)環(huán)境下的關(guān)鍵機(jī)會。尤其是這個(gè)實(shí)例分析從以下方面考慮了新奧爾良的規(guī)劃：最近提出的關(guān)于實(shí)用主義的爭論，社會交流行為和社會學(xué)習(xí) (Beauregard，2000；Lauria & Wagner，2006； Friedmann， 2003；Collins & Ison， 2006)，數(shù)字媒體在規(guī)劃中的應(yīng)用(Drummon

44、d & French，2008；Klosterman，2008；Krieger，2004；Campbell，1996；Batty，2001；Craglia，2004)，對于城市的參與和權(quán)利(Campbell & Marshall，2000；Sandercock，2000；Lefebvre，1996)，以及在現(xiàn)今網(wǎng)絡(luò)時(shí)代城市規(guī)劃中的結(jié)構(gòu)問題(Castells，1996/ 1997)。</p><p>

45、;　　在新奧爾良，基層的創(chuàng)新與被選舉官員及政府機(jī)構(gòu)形成了鮮明的對比。在2005年秋季到2007年春季之間，大部分非官方的規(guī)劃都是以支持擁護(hù)官方觀點(diǎn)的形式出現(xiàn)的(Culley & Hughey，2008，102頁)。盡管很多非官方規(guī)劃都是由鄰近機(jī)構(gòu)提出的，但在這里要指出的是，非官方規(guī)劃并非只局限于鄰近規(guī)劃，并且，市民的行動往往著重于對城市或者地區(qū)有重大影響的事件(Checkoway，1984)，比如自然堤、濕地生態(tài)、房屋價(jià)格。如下

46、面我將要解釋的，非官方規(guī)劃是在一個(gè)高度集權(quán)的環(huán)境下展開的，集權(quán)者試圖控制官方規(guī)劃、公眾參與和與重建工程相關(guān)的經(jīng)濟(jì)來源。</p><p>　　非官方的規(guī)劃包括鄰近組織、地方機(jī)構(gòu)、非盈利組織和個(gè)人提出的計(jì)劃。這些計(jì)劃包括了中城鄰近組織計(jì)劃、越南瑪麗皇后地方委員會、布羅德漠提高協(xié)會、神圣十字會、拉菲特走廊和鄰近組織計(jì)劃圈運(yùn)作的擁護(hù)會議。我發(fā)現(xiàn)重要的社會學(xué)習(xí)和賦權(quán)行動（Friedmann，1996，2003；Rocha，

47、1997）已經(jīng)在新奧爾良地區(qū)發(fā)展起來了。在這個(gè)過程中，數(shù)字媒體的應(yīng)用加速了其中的計(jì)劃與行動。鄰近組織、非盈利組織、藝術(shù)家、活動家、獨(dú)立記者、教授學(xué)生以及地方擁護(hù)計(jì)劃者都使用了數(shù)字媒體為回歸的，失散的新奧爾良居民、志愿者、公眾官員建立起了紐帶。數(shù)字工具提供了一個(gè)靈活的通訊、批判以及討論的平臺。</p><p>　　在鄰近組織和非盈利組織通過電子通訊進(jìn)行的如火如荼的時(shí)候，官方計(jì)劃已經(jīng)在社會學(xué)習(xí)、賦權(quán)以及數(shù)字媒體的使用

48、等方面遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)落后于公民自發(fā)的活動。 官方規(guī)劃包括選舉產(chǎn)生的官員以及政府機(jī)構(gòu)主辦的或是私人顧問負(fù)責(zé)管理的計(jì)劃。在新奧爾良，這些規(guī)劃包括(按時(shí)間先后順序排列)：聯(lián)邦緊急事務(wù)管理機(jī)構(gòu)的ESF-14計(jì)劃、市長的還原新奧爾良計(jì)劃、城市理事會的新奧爾良鄰近重建計(jì)劃和大新奧爾良計(jì)劃——這些將是本章闡述之重點(diǎn)。</p><p>　　從2006年七月底開始，大新奧爾良計(jì)劃便展現(xiàn)出其高風(fēng)險(xiǎn)的一面。它引發(fā)的一系列問題包括記錄宣傳的需求和

49、媒體繁榮的飽和之間的平衡。盡管公眾對于規(guī)劃有不小的意識，對于有關(guān)復(fù)蘇的信息和溝通的期望也在不斷增長，大新奧爾良計(jì)劃并非出現(xiàn)于公眾活動，也沒有體現(xiàn)公眾的認(rèn)可，盡管它是這么宣稱的 (Olshansky，2006；Williamson，2007；Wilson，2008)。更糟糕的是，公共官員以及他們的顧問并沒有意識到并且去建立在那些他們官方規(guī)劃之外的社會學(xué)習(xí)。</p><p>　　盡管大新奧爾良計(jì)劃看起來是最新數(shù)字技術(shù)

50、的結(jié)晶，但是本質(zhì)上，它通過它的操縱結(jié)構(gòu)和國會的議程提出了研究數(shù)字媒體對規(guī)劃過程、對規(guī)劃內(nèi)容以及規(guī)劃結(jié)果影響的必要性。盡管數(shù)字媒體為分享信息提供了新的機(jī)會，從這次Katrina后的新奧爾良看來，它并不一定能帶來更加民主的過程，使用數(shù)字媒體可以增加，而并非減小，規(guī)劃中的信息扭曲。</p><p>　　我發(fā)現(xiàn)最終大新奧爾良復(fù)蘇過程中的缺陷正表現(xiàn)了一個(gè)民主政權(quán)的危機(jī)， 它阻止了一場更加平等的復(fù)蘇運(yùn)動。以下將分析為促進(jìn)這場

51、大新奧爾良計(jì)劃而建立的管理結(jié)構(gòu)。</p><p>　　我認(rèn)為，大新奧爾良計(jì)劃表現(xiàn)了一個(gè)令人憂慮的私有化的計(jì)劃，同時(shí)暴露了數(shù)字媒體在城市規(guī)劃應(yīng)用中的優(yōu)點(diǎn)以及缺點(diǎn)。</p><p>　　6.1.1 災(zāi)難復(fù)蘇與數(shù)字化城市</p><p>　　從規(guī)劃理論的角度看來，在新奧爾良計(jì)劃設(shè)計(jì)活動中的倉促正好表現(xiàn)了在參與，交流和數(shù)字技術(shù)中的一個(gè)趨勢：數(shù)字技術(shù)將成為一種普遍存在的現(xiàn)象，

52、然而它將是滲透著政治與戰(zhàn)斗的。對于這樣的一個(gè)新時(shí)代是否象征著視覺圖像在城市規(guī)劃中的勝利（Neuman，2000，348頁）或者一種在規(guī)劃中運(yùn)用技術(shù)的“二次革命”（Klosterman，2008），這點(diǎn)并不重要。更重要的是我們對于數(shù)字技術(shù)可以對民主規(guī)劃造成的影響之理解。尤其，如有人(Castells，1997)建議，數(shù)字技術(shù)的應(yīng)用可以通過提供獲取信息的途徑，使得更廣大的公眾來參與討論以及決策，從而影響規(guī)劃的民主性。同時(shí)，Graham (2

53、002)發(fā)現(xiàn)全球化的信息通訊技術(shù)的使用正在逐步地保證或者提高社會計(jì)劃。</p><p>　　因此，盡管當(dāng)前新奧爾良的規(guī)劃活動從某種意義上來講是“新”的，有關(guān)規(guī)劃的道德規(guī)范以及理論的大問題將被提升到了一個(gè)新的高度。</p><p>　　主要的問題包括如下幾點(diǎn):</p><p>　　1.地方政府和決策過程中的公民影響和權(quán)利。</p><p>　　

54、2.精英專家掌控的規(guī)劃過程相比于基于合作和互相理解的規(guī)劃。</p><p>　　3.規(guī)劃信息的在社會交流中牽涉到的政治,包括數(shù)字媒體,信息通訊技術(shù)和城市數(shù)據(jù)的產(chǎn)生，使用，以及控制(見 Bates & Green，2007)。</p><p>　　從一個(gè)數(shù)字城市學(xué)者的角度看來，Batty(2001)和Craglia (2004)提出了一個(gè)啟發(fā)式的方法來探索這個(gè)復(fù)雜的，有時(shí)候甚至是自相

55、矛盾的，數(shù)字城市與實(shí)際城市的關(guān)系。</p><p>　　把這個(gè)框架應(yīng)用于新奧爾良，我們可以來探索這個(gè)數(shù)字城市與實(shí)際城市的復(fù)雜的關(guān)系，探索實(shí)際城市的數(shù)字表達(dá)，以及傳統(tǒng)的規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)的實(shí)踐方法是如何被數(shù)字方式所改變或者擴(kuò)展的。</p><p>　　它還引出了其他的一些問題。用數(shù)字方式去進(jìn)行對城市的表示和思考只是單純意義上的對“傳統(tǒng)”方式的重塑么？用數(shù)字模式來表示城市是否從根本上改變了規(guī)劃的實(shí)踐行為

56、以及我們對于城市經(jīng)歷的表達(dá)？災(zāi)難之后的新奧爾良的數(shù)字表示是否創(chuàng)造了一個(gè)對于城市的新的認(rèn)識，對土著都市化 (Wagner， 2008)的一種解讀或者規(guī)劃設(shè)備？最后，數(shù)字媒體的應(yīng)用是如何改變著災(zāi)后城市中日常生活的重建？</p><p>　　盡管新奧爾良，作為一個(gè)有著災(zāi)后復(fù)蘇壓力的城市，它本身是規(guī)劃實(shí)例中的一個(gè)極端，但是日益普及的用數(shù)字去表達(dá)實(shí)際的城市、城市中的人民、城市中的建筑，這表明了新奧爾良這次經(jīng)歷作為城市規(guī)劃實(shí)

57、踐的重大意義。這個(gè)實(shí)例分析證明與其去簡單的促進(jìn)參與，公民和專家們對數(shù)字媒體在規(guī)劃中的使用也為努力尋求平等、合作、和民主的實(shí)踐者制造了新的挑戰(zhàn)(Campbell，1996)。并且，很多Drummond和French建議的電子規(guī)劃方案(2008，172頁)已經(jīng)在新奧爾良實(shí)現(xiàn)了——盡管現(xiàn)實(shí)比書中的往往要復(fù)雜地多。如本章節(jié)所闡述，官方以及非官方在重建規(guī)劃中，對數(shù)字媒體的應(yīng)用使得規(guī)劃實(shí)踐以及規(guī)劃理論都更為復(fù)雜了，聯(lián)機(jī)工具與傳統(tǒng)規(guī)劃過程的組合引起了