環(huán)境與經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化外文翻譯

1、<p>　　1610單詞，2935漢字</p><p><b>　　外文翻譯 </b></p><p><b>　　原文 </b></p><p>　　The Environment and Economic Globalization</p><p>　　Material So

2、urce: Globalization: What’s New Author: Frankel </p><p>　　Regulation</p><p>　　It will help if we clarify one more fundamental set of issues before we turn to the main subject of the chapter, th

3、e role of globalization per se. </p><p>　　It is logical to expect environmental regulation to cost something, to have a negative effect on measured productivity and income per capita. “There is no free lunch

4、,” Milton Friedman famously said. Most tangible good things in life cost something, and for many kinds of regulation, if effective, people will readily agree that the cost is worth paying. Cost-benefit tests and cost-min

5、imization strategies are economists’ tools for trying to make sure that policies deliver the best environment for a</p><p>　　Occasionally there are policy measures that have both environmental and economic b

6、enefits. Usually these “win-win” ideas constitute the elimination of some previously existing distortion in public policy. Many countries have historically subsidized the use of coal. The United States subsidizes mining

7、and cattle grazing on federal land, and sometimes logging and oil drilling as well, not to mention water use. Other countries have substantial subsidies for ocean fishing. Elimination of such subsid</p><p>　

8、　Another idea that would have economic and environmental benefits simultaneously would be to remove all barriers against international trade in environmental equipment and services, such as those involved in renewable en

9、ergy generation, smokestack scrubbing, or waste treatment facilities. There would again be a double pay-off: the growth-enhancing effect of elimination barriers to exports in a sector where the United States is likely to

10、 be able to develop a comparative advantage, together with th</p><p>　　A different school of thought claims many opportunities for saving money while simultaneously saving the environment. The Porter Hypothe

11、sis holds that a tightening of environmental regulation stimulates technological innovation and thereby has positive effects on both the economy and the environment -- for example, saving money by saving energy. The anal

12、ytical rationale for this view is not entirely clear. Is the claim that any sort of change in regulation, regardless in what direction, stimulat</p><p>　　Effects of openness to trade </p><p>　　T

13、he central topic of this chapter is the implications of trade for the environment. Some effects come via economic growth, and some come even for a given level of income. In both cases, the effects can be either beneficia

14、l or detrimental. Probably the strongest effects are the first sort, via income. Much like investment, technological progress, and other sources of growth, openness tends to raise income [via classical comparative advant

15、age -- that is, each country specializes in doing what it d</p><p>　　What about effects of trade and investment that do not operate via economic growth? They can be classified in three categories: systemwide

16、 effects that are adverse, systemwide effects that are beneficial, and effects that vary across countries depending on local “comparative advantage.” </p><p>　　Race to the bottom </p><p>　　The “

17、race to the bottom” hypothesis is perhaps the strongest basis for fearing that international trade and investment specifically rather than industrialization generally will put downward pressure on countries’ environmenta

18、l standards and thus damage the environment. Leaders of industry, and of the unions whose members are employed in industry, are always concerned about competition from abroad. When domestic regulation raises their costs,

19、 they fear that they will lose competitiveness against </p><p>　　Often domestic producers sound the competitiveness alarm as a way of applying political pressure on their governments to minimize the burden o

20、f regulation. To some, the phrase “race to the bottom” connotes that the equilibrium will be a world of little or no regulation. Others emphasize that, in practice, it is not necessarily a matter of globalization leading

21、 to environmental standards that literally decline over time, but rather retarding the gradual raising of environmental standards that wou</p><p>　　Once again, it is important to distinguish 1 the fear that

22、globalization will lead to a race to the bottom in regulatory standards, from 2 fears that the environment will be damaged by the very process of industrialization and economic growth itself. Opening of national economie

23、s to international trade and investment could play a role in both cases, but the two possible channels are very different. In the first case, the race to the bottom, the claim is that even for a given path of economic gr

24、o</p><p>　　Gains from trade </p><p>　　While the possibility that exposure to international competition might have an adverse effect on environmental regulation is familiar, less widely recognize

25、d and more surprising is the possibility of effects in the beneficial, which we will call the gains from trade hypothesis. Trade allows countries to attain more of what they want, which includes environmental goods in ad

26、dition to market-measured output. How could openness have a positive effect on environmental quality, even for a given level</p><p>　　One possibility concerns technological and managerial innovation. Opennes

27、s encourages ongoing innovation. 13 It then seems likely that openness encourages innovation beneficial to environmental improvement as well as economic progress. A second possibility is an international ratcheting up of

28、 environmental standards. The largest political jurisdiction can set the pace for others. Within the United States, it is called the “California effect;” when the largest state sets high standards for auto p</p>&

29、lt;p>　　Multinational corporations MNCs tend to bring clean state-of-the-art production techniques from high-standard countries of origin, to host countries where they are not yet known, for several reasons: </p>

30、<p>　　“First, many companies find that the efficiency of having a single set of management practices, pollution control technologies, and training programmes geared to a common set of standards outweighs any cost

31、advantage that might be obtained by scaling back on environmental investments at overseas facilities.Second, multinational enterprises often operate on a large scale, and recognisethat their visibility makes them especia

32、lly attractive targets for local enforcement officialsThird, the prospect</p><p>　　Corporate codes of conduct, as under the U.N. global compact, offer a new way that residents of some countries can pursue en

33、vironmental goals in other countries. </p><p>　　Furthermore, because trade offers consumers the opportunity to consume goods of greater variety, it allows countries to attain higher levels of welfare for any

34、 given level of domestically produced output, which, as before, will raise the demand for environmental quality. Again, if the appropriate institutions are in place, this demand for higher environmental quality will tran

35、slate into effective regulation and the desired reduction in pollution. </p><p><b>　　譯文 </b></p><p><b>　　環(huán)境與經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化</b></p><p>　　資料來(lái)源: 全球化:什么是新的 作者:弗蘭克爾&l

36、t;/p><p><b>　　環(huán)境法規(guī) </b></p><p>　　在翻過(guò)這一篇之前,我們要搞清楚一個(gè)更為基本的不變的主題,就是作為主角的全球化本身。 </p><p>　　預(yù)計(jì)設(shè)立環(huán)境法規(guī)將要花費(fèi)什么成本也是合乎邏輯的,它對(duì)生產(chǎn)力和人均收入都有負(fù)面影響?！笆郎蠜](méi)有免費(fèi)的午餐。”這是弗里德曼的至理名言。得到生活中最真實(shí)最美好的事物總得付出什么,對(duì)

37、于各種各樣的法規(guī),如果生效了,人們將會(huì)欣然接受并支付其成本。成本效益考察和最低成本策略是經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家試圖確保法規(guī)提供了一個(gè)最好的環(huán)境給既定的經(jīng)濟(jì)成本,或者對(duì)于一個(gè)既定的環(huán)境目標(biāo)支付的最低經(jīng)濟(jì)成本的一個(gè)工具。例如,能源稅,特別是在碳?xì)淙剂?是一個(gè)相當(dāng)有效的環(huán)境管制模式如果收入效率"再循環(huán)"。而CAFé規(guī)程稍微達(dá)到一個(gè)較低的效率(分化型CAFé規(guī)程,例如,鼓勵(lì)時(shí)尚多功能運(yùn)動(dòng)車(chē)的生產(chǎn))。原來(lái)的“命令與控制”

38、措施仍然更有效率例如,政府關(guān)于特定技術(shù)必須被堅(jiān)持使用的命令]一些環(huán)保法規(guī),當(dāng)立法或執(zhí)行還不夠周全的時(shí)候,就向企業(yè)、勞動(dòng)者和消費(fèi)者征收了非常大量和不必要的經(jīng)濟(jì)成本。 </p><p>　　偶爾有些政策措施會(huì)同時(shí)包含環(huán)境和經(jīng)濟(jì)效益。通常這些“雙贏”的理念構(gòu)成排除了一些現(xiàn)存失真的公共政策,許多國(guó)家在歷史上有用煤補(bǔ)貼,美國(guó)在聯(lián)邦政府土地上有采礦和畜牧補(bǔ)貼,有時(shí)也會(huì)有伐木搬運(yùn)業(yè)和煉油的補(bǔ)貼,更不用說(shuō)用水補(bǔ)貼了,其他國(guó)家對(duì)海

39、釣業(yè)也有大量的補(bǔ)貼金。消除這些補(bǔ)貼可以改善環(huán)境的同時(shí)也可以節(jié)省金錢(qián)??不單單是為了聯(lián)邦政府的預(yù)算,也是為了總實(shí)際收入,不可否認(rèn),經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家征收汽油稅和讓農(nóng)場(chǎng)主為放牧權(quán)支付費(fèi)用的方式,在政治上是不受歡迎的。 </p><p>　　另一個(gè)理念是,擁有經(jīng)濟(jì)效益和環(huán)境效益的同時(shí),在環(huán)保的技能和服務(wù)上可以排除所有國(guó)際貿(mào)易壁壘,比如加入到可再生資源的時(shí)代,有煙囪廢氣或者廢物的處理場(chǎng)所。這將又會(huì)有雙重的回報(bào):在增長(zhǎng)提高中的排除出

40、口商品壁壘的影響(在美國(guó)區(qū)域內(nèi)可能可以發(fā)展比較優(yōu)勢(shì)),同時(shí)環(huán)境對(duì)進(jìn)口商品輸入的貿(mào)易保護(hù)措施的影響的加劇,也會(huì)促使政府進(jìn)行環(huán)境保護(hù)。 </p><p>　　不同的學(xué)派認(rèn)為有很多機(jī)會(huì)在節(jié)約金錢(qián)的同時(shí)拯救環(huán)境?！安ㄌ氐募僭O(shè)”所持的觀點(diǎn)是一個(gè)固定的環(huán)境法規(guī)可以刺激技術(shù)的創(chuàng)新,在經(jīng)濟(jì)與環(huán)境都有著積極的影響??例如, 通過(guò)節(jié)約能源來(lái)節(jié)約金錢(qián)。這一觀點(diǎn)的理論依據(jù)還不是非常明確(這一主張?jiān)诜ㄒ?guī)上有沒(méi)有一些改變?在哪個(gè)方向來(lái)刺激創(chuàng)

41、新?或者在環(huán)境法規(guī)上有什么特殊的地方?在能源部門(mén)有沒(méi)有什么特殊的地方?)這種觀點(diǎn)的支持者援引了一些真實(shí)世界中的例子,一個(gè)新環(huán)境的主動(dòng)權(quán)原來(lái)對(duì)于一個(gè)特定的公司或行業(yè)是有利可圖的。那些例子確實(shí)存在,但是沒(méi)有足夠的證據(jù)證明環(huán)境法規(guī)和生產(chǎn)力的增長(zhǎng)之間的紐帶存在著大量的問(wèn)題。這個(gè)假設(shè)也許更好的理解為建立一個(gè)關(guān)于“最早成立的優(yōu)勢(shì)”的觀點(diǎn),也就是說(shuō),如果世界在未來(lái)會(huì)向某一特定方向發(fā)展,比如朝更環(huán)保的能源的方向,然后一個(gè)國(guó)家在別人在該領(lǐng)域有所成就之前,

42、創(chuàng)新該類(lèi)新的產(chǎn)品、新的技術(shù),就可以賣(mài)成果給后來(lái)人。 </p><p><b>　　對(duì)外貿(mào)易的效益 </b></p><p>　　本章的主要觀點(diǎn)是貿(mào)易對(duì)于環(huán)境的含義。許多效益是通過(guò)經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長(zhǎng),某些人為了保持一個(gè)固定程度的收入所形成的。在這兩種情況下,這些效益可以有利或不利的,或許最強(qiáng)烈的效益是第一種,,通過(guò)收入。很多就像投資、技術(shù)進(jìn)步,其它資源的增長(zhǎng)、開(kāi)放性地提高收入。

43、通過(guò)傳統(tǒng)比較優(yōu)勢(shì)??也就是說(shuō),每個(gè)國(guó)家進(jìn)行專(zhuān)業(yè)化做它最擅長(zhǎng)的??通過(guò)動(dòng)態(tài)效應(yīng),比如,創(chuàng)新。更高的收入相應(yīng)也會(huì)影響一些環(huán)境措施,最初是不利的,但根據(jù)環(huán)境庫(kù)茲涅茨曲線(xiàn),最終變?yōu)橛欣?</p><p>　　關(guān)于貿(mào)易和投資的效益,不要通過(guò)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)操作?他們可以在三個(gè)類(lèi)別上保密:系統(tǒng)的廣泛效益是不利的,系統(tǒng)的廣泛效益是有利的,而不同國(guó)家間效益的變化依靠當(dāng)?shù)亍氨容^優(yōu)勢(shì)”。 </p><p><

44、b>　　競(jìng)次 </b></p><p>　　“競(jìng)次"的假設(shè),可能是對(duì)國(guó)際貿(mào)易和對(duì)外投資特有擔(dān)心的最強(qiáng)依據(jù)不是一般的工業(yè)化將會(huì)給各國(guó)的環(huán)境標(biāo)準(zhǔn)向下的壓力,因此而破壞環(huán)境。產(chǎn)業(yè)的領(lǐng)頭人,和那些受雇于產(chǎn)業(yè)里的員工組成的聯(lián)合工會(huì)的領(lǐng)頭人,都擔(dān)心來(lái)自海外的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。當(dāng)國(guó)內(nèi)的法規(guī)增加他們的成本,他們會(huì)擔(dān)心失去他們對(duì)于自己國(guó)家內(nèi)行業(yè)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力,他們會(huì)通過(guò)減少銷(xiāo)售、雇傭和投資國(guó)外競(jìng)爭(zhēng)者來(lái)做出警告。 <

45、/p><p>　　國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)者敲響“競(jìng)爭(zhēng)”的警鐘,是作為向他們的政府申請(qǐng)減少沉重的法規(guī)帶來(lái)的壓力的一種途徑,對(duì)于一些人,“競(jìng)次”達(dá)到平衡意味著世界上少一點(diǎn)或者沒(méi)有環(huán)境法規(guī)。其他人強(qiáng)調(diào),實(shí)際上,經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化隨著時(shí)間帶領(lǐng)著環(huán)境法規(guī)逐漸減少的問(wèn)題不是必要的,但是在一定程度上制約了環(huán)境法規(guī)的增加。另一方面,我們的擔(dān)心是,在某種程度上國(guó)家之間是開(kāi)放地進(jìn)行國(guó)際貿(mào)易和投資,環(huán)境的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)將會(huì)低于他們所采用的,但現(xiàn)在重要的是這在實(shí)踐上行的通

46、嗎?經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家的研究顯示,環(huán)境監(jiān)管不是一個(gè)很重要的,企業(yè)進(jìn)行國(guó)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的決定因素。當(dāng)決定將公司建立在哪里時(shí),跨國(guó)公司似乎對(duì)比關(guān)注嚴(yán)厲的地方性環(huán)境法規(guī)更大地關(guān)注勞動(dòng)力成本和市場(chǎng)準(zhǔn)入原則。 </p><p>　　另外,區(qū)分一下兩個(gè)方面很重要:1全球化在環(huán)境標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的調(diào)整下會(huì)產(chǎn)生“競(jìng)次”的擔(dān)憂(yōu);2在工業(yè)化和經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展過(guò)程中環(huán)境會(huì)遭到破壞的擔(dān)憂(yōu)。開(kāi)放的國(guó)家經(jīng)濟(jì)來(lái)進(jìn)行國(guó)際貿(mào)易和對(duì)外投資在這兩個(gè)方面都扮演了一個(gè)重要的角色,但是兩者適用

47、的途徑是很不同的。第一種情況,“競(jìng)次”這一主張是阻礙了經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)、開(kāi)放了環(huán)境標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的一個(gè)既定的路徑。這是一個(gè)非常不利的結(jié)論,因?yàn)樗赡芤馕吨谝欢ǔ潭壬贤ㄟ^(guò)限制貿(mào)易和投資,我們可能會(huì)在某一水平的國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值上得到一個(gè)好點(diǎn)的環(huán)境。第二種情況,暗示了投資、教育、生產(chǎn)率增長(zhǎng)或者其他能源的增加都會(huì)影響環(huán)境。 </p><p><b>　　從貿(mào)易中獲益 </b></p><p>　

48、　然而,這個(gè)可能性表明國(guó)際貿(mào)易競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)環(huán)境法規(guī)有著肆意的不良影響,較少的公認(rèn)性與更多的驚人之處是有利方面可能的影響,就是我們認(rèn)為貿(mào)易好處的假設(shè),貿(mào)易使各國(guó)可以獲得更多的他們想要的東西,就包括了環(huán)境產(chǎn)品,除了市場(chǎng)緩慢的產(chǎn)出。開(kāi)放對(duì)環(huán)境質(zhì)量,甚至對(duì)一個(gè)固定程度的人均國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值怎么會(huì)起到積極的作用呢? </p><p>　　有一種可能性關(guān)系到技術(shù)上及管理上的創(chuàng)新,對(duì)外開(kāi)放鼓勵(lì)不斷地進(jìn)行創(chuàng)新,此外,公開(kāi)鼓勵(lì)創(chuàng)新似乎有利于

49、環(huán)境改善以及經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展。第二個(gè)可能性是對(duì)環(huán)境法規(guī)進(jìn)行一個(gè)國(guó)際化的倒轉(zhuǎn),最大程度的政治管轄可以給別人設(shè)置一定的步伐,在美國(guó),它將被稱(chēng)為“加州效應(yīng)”:當(dāng)最大程度上給汽車(chē)污染控制設(shè)備制定了高標(biāo)準(zhǔn),例如,最終的結(jié)果可能是其他國(guó)家同類(lèi)水平達(dá)到相似的標(biāo)準(zhǔn),美國(guó)全局中都扮演了同樣的角色。 </p><p>　　跨國(guó)公司傾向于從高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的東道國(guó)引進(jìn)干凈、先進(jìn)的生產(chǎn)技術(shù),但是東道國(guó)在哪他們都還不知道。下面來(lái)看幾個(gè)例子: </p&

50、gt;<p>　　“許多公司發(fā)現(xiàn)擁有一套單一的管理慣例、污染控制技術(shù)和訓(xùn)練方案連接著相似的超過(guò)任何成本優(yōu)勢(shì)的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)體系,其效益可以通過(guò)縮減對(duì)海外設(shè)備的環(huán)境投資來(lái)得到。其次,跨國(guó)企業(yè)經(jīng)常會(huì)有著很大的規(guī)模,而且要認(rèn)識(shí)到,他們的能見(jiàn)度使得他們成為當(dāng)?shù)貓?zhí)法行政官員的目標(biāo)。其三,這一未能預(yù)見(jiàn)到環(huán)境法規(guī)的不利前景,常常會(huì)促進(jìn)更好的執(zhí)行環(huán)保措施……”??埃斯蒂和眷特律(1997,p.161) </p><p>　　

51、這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)不是表明所有的跨國(guó)公司在別的國(guó)家執(zhí)行業(yè)務(wù)時(shí)申請(qǐng)了最高的環(huán)境標(biāo)準(zhǔn),但是平均標(biāo)準(zhǔn)都高于東道國(guó)自己執(zhí)行經(jīng)營(yíng)業(yè)務(wù)時(shí)。公司的行為規(guī)范,在聯(lián)合國(guó)的全球契約下,給一些國(guó)家的居民可以在別的國(guó)家追求環(huán)保目標(biāo)提供了一條新的途徑。 </p><p>　　此外,因?yàn)橘Q(mào)易提供了機(jī)會(huì)給消費(fèi)者去消費(fèi)各種各樣的商品,這就允許國(guó)家達(dá)到高水平的社會(huì)福利(包括任意水平的國(guó)內(nèi)產(chǎn)值),在此之前,將要提高環(huán)境質(zhì)量。如果在一個(gè)地方有些適當(dāng)?shù)姆ㄒ?guī),對(duì)于