農(nóng)村土地外文翻譯

1、<p>　　本科畢業(yè)設計（論文）</p><p>　　外 文 翻 譯</p><p><b>　　原文：</b></p><p>　　RURAL AND URBAN LAND DEVELOPMENT AND LAND TENURE SYSTEMS: A COMPARISON BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICA</p&

2、gt;<p>　　RURAL LAND</p><p>　　Prior to independence, Botswana had established traditional ways of allocating and managing tribal land and its resources through chiefs and communities. Soon after indepe

3、ndence, the authority to allocate tribal land was shifted from the chiefs to the Tribal Land Boards which were established by the Tribal Land Act, but the management of the resources remains the responsibility of the use

4、rs and their communities. According to this act, almost 71% of the available land is administered as tribal l</p><p>　　The Land Boards were established for a specified tribal territory, and took over the adm

5、inistrative functions from chiefs and other tribal authorities. Title of the land vested in the Land Boards. The Land Boards were initially entitled to make customary and common law grants, for residential, grazing or cu

6、ltivation purposes, to members of the different tribes living in the specified territories only, but since 1993 any citizen of Botswana is entitled to apply for these rights. Land Boards maint</p><p>　　Land

7、use planning is not a new phenomenon in Botswana. Past experiences and records indicate that the traditional chiefs who had authority on land have always done some form of land use planning. Formal land use planning in B

8、otswana started with the implementation of the Tribal Grazing Land Policy in 1975, when some areas were zoned for wildlife use, others became reserved areas, while other areas continued to be for communal use. This polic

9、y enabled individuals or groups to have exclusive use o</p><p>　　The districts up to now continue to prepare and update their respective integrated land use plans. In the preparation of such plans the commun

10、ities have major inputs with regard to the various land uses. This is in realization of the fact that to have an implementable and sustainable land use plan, the communities should be the ones who decide the uses on a pa

11、rticular type of land. It should be noted, however, that not all districts have such plans.</p><p>　　URBAN LAND</p><p>　　An urban centre in Botswana is defined as All settlements on state land a

12、nd settlements on tribal land with a population of 5000 or more persons with at least 75% of the labor force in non-agricultural occupations. Generally, an urban centre should be seen to provide its population with infra

13、-structural and environmental services similar to that which exists in a modern city. Rural-urban migration has played an important role in the growth of urban areas. Several urban development policies have </p>&

14、lt;p>　　Shortage of serviced land has been identified as one of the major constraints to urban housing development. Therefore a major land servicing programme, the Accelerated Land Servicing Programme, was introduced.

15、The objective of the programme was to service land for all uses, such as residential, commercial and industrial, in all urban areas. A Housing Department has been established, which is charged with the responsibility of

16、promoting housing development and improvement through policy initiativ</p><p>　　The Town and Country Planning Act, which is the main legislation guiding physical planning in Botswana, makes provisions for an

17、 orderly and progressive development and control of land in both urban and rural areas. The Urban Development Standards and the Development Control Code also facilitate the orderly planning of settlements. Sustainable ur

18、ban development depends on the availability of clean water supply and provision of infrastructure for sanitation and waste management. An integrated appr</p><p>　　Although the concept of sustainable developm

19、ent gained prominence on the international scene only a few years back, it has been one of the objectives of development planning in Botswana since independence in 1966. The term has appeared as an objective in all the s

20、ubsequent development plans, but its meaning has been expanded to reflect the changing development realities over the years.</p><p>　　LAND DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA</p><p>　　The shape and form

21、 of the cities in South Africa are the result of conscious apartheid planning in the past. When South Africa’s first democratically elected government came into power in 1994, it inherited the fragmented, unequal and inc

22、oherent planning systems which developed under apartheid. During apartheid, land development planning in the then four provinces, ten homelands and the ‘group area’ racial zones, fell under many different laws, ordinance

23、s, procedures and regulations. There was a</p><p>　　A National Development and Planning Commission were appointed to advise the Minister of Land Affairs and the Minister of Housing on planning and developmen

24、t. Among other things, the Commission was requested to prepare a Green Paper on planning which would review and recommend changes to the apartheid legislation and process of land development in South Africa. The Commissi

25、on decided to focus on the spatial planning system for urban and rural development. A land development policy, the Reconstruc</p><p>　　Planning in South Africa in the past and at present is done according to

26、 the Town Planning Ordinances of the various provinces. Although mechanisms for forward planning have long existed, the town planning scheme, which was established in terms of the Ordinances, is at the heart of the town

27、planning system. While this system was strictly enforced in most white, Indian and colored areas, only simplified versions were later introduced to urban townships, further complicating the land administratio</p>

28、<p>　　The Development Facilitation Act introduces the concept of land development objectives. These are plans approved by political decision-makers that set their objectives and targets for development of an area. T

29、he land development objectives’ intentions are to create a clear spatial framework for the area and to create a proactive rather than a reactive planning system. In terms of the Local Government Transition Second Amendme

30、nt Act municipal authorities are required to create integrated developm</p><p>　　PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND TENURE IN SOUTH AFRICA</p><p>　　Land tenure in post-apartheid South Africa is a contenti

31、ous issue and has long been a source of conflict. As is the case in many transitional political situations, there are also differences of opinion regarding the role and definition of ownership and other rights in propert

32、y. The Constitution of South Africa provides in section 25(1) for the acknowledgement of different rights in property. It is clear that not only ownership, but also other rights in immovable property are recognized and p

33、rote</p><p>　　In order to rectify the injustices of the past, the Department of Land Affairs started with a programme of land reform by means of restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. This programme

34、resulted in the following acts being promulgated: the Restitution of Land Rights Act (regarding the restitution of land to persons dispossessed of land after 1913 as a result of racially discriminatory legislation), the

35、Development Facilitation Act (regarding quicker and cheaper planning and development me</p><p>　　The vision and strategy for South Africa's land policy, a policy that is just, builds reconciliation and s

36、tability and contributes to economic growth, is set out in the White Paper on South African Land Policy. The government's land reform programme is made up of land restitution(which involves returning land lost since

37、1913 because of racially discriminatory laws, or compensating victims for loss of land due to racially discriminatory laws), land redistribution (makes it possible for poor and d</p><p>　　The deeds registrat

38、ion system in South Africa differs from the Botswana system. It has only one deeds registration system, and this system does not provide for the registration of all the different land tenure rights that are statutorily r

39、ecognized. A large part of the population, notably people in informal settlements and in rural areas where a system of communal property still prevails, is excluded from the deeds registration system. In the White Paper

40、on South African Land Policy a part of th</p><p>　　Whilst existing government policy provides a great range of inputs for planning and development, the White Paper on Local Government is critical as it place

41、s municipalities at the centre of planning for better human settlements. The new municipal planning system is founded on the concept of “developmental local government”. It emphasizes integrated development planning as a

42、 tool for realizing the vision of developmental local government. The Urban Development Framework published by the Departmen</p><p>　　Source：Susan Bouillon，city council of pretoria,2002</p><p>&

43、lt;b>　　譯文：</b></p><p><b>　　農(nóng)村土地</b></p><p>　　在國家獨立之前，博茨瓦納就已經(jīng)建立了通過其部落首領和團體來處理和管理部落土地及其資源的傳統(tǒng)的辦法。國家獨立后,行使土地配置的權力就由部落首領轉移到了《部落土地法案》成立的部落土地管理委員會,部落土地還是有使用者團體管理。根據(jù)這一法案,近70%的可利用土地作

44、為由一個完整的土地所有權體系所確定的部落土地來進行管理。雖然這種關于部落土地的所有權規(guī)則已經(jīng)被此法案的規(guī)定大量的改變,但這被認為是一種有創(chuàng)意的方法，使私人土地所有權穩(wěn)定性與部落土地利用效率相結合。</p><p>　　為特定部族土地而建立的土地委員會從部族首領和其他部族當局手中接收了行使管理權利，土地的所有權也被授予土地委員會。最初土地委員會只被授權為居住在指定的疆土的不同的部落的成員給予作為住宅、放牧或耕作目的

45、的土地的傳統(tǒng)普通法律補貼,但是自從1993年博茨瓦納的任何公民才了申請這些權利的權力。土地委員會堅持使它們的記錄或登記制度和權益等不在博茨瓦納的中央契約登記系統(tǒng)里登記，目的顯然是為了使它們更容易辦理。土地委員會有權發(fā)放慣常的津貼或職業(yè)證書，而這些所有權證書可以在商業(yè)借貸市場作為所有權契約交易的憑證。權利人的任何變動都應當報告土地理委員會進而保持其登記系統(tǒng)精確性，而在農(nóng)村地區(qū)提供保障一直在于個人的主動性。對于與土地密切相關的住房開發(fā)最重要

46、的前提不是所有男性和女性公民可無償分配到部族土地這樣一個干擾的問題，而是在于促進避稅規(guī)定農(nóng)村地區(qū)實施的努力，因為政府準備引進一個在農(nóng)村建設房產(chǎn)的計劃。</p><p>　　進行土地規(guī)劃在博茨瓦納并不是一種新現(xiàn)象，過去的經(jīng)驗和記錄表明,那些曾經(jīng)管轄土地的傳統(tǒng)首領曾一直做著某種形式的土地利用方面的總體規(guī)劃。博茨瓦納權威的土地利用總體規(guī)劃開始于1975年《部族牧地政策》的實施,根據(jù)這一政策，當時一些地區(qū)被劃為野生動物保

47、護使用,一些地區(qū)劃成了自然保護區(qū),而其他地區(qū)繼續(xù)用于共同用途。這項政策使個體或小組在這樣的使用分區(qū)內(nèi)有了專屬的土地利用方式，而且這些權利是永久的、排外的和可繼承的。只有在土地權利人五年內(nèi)未按土地委員會規(guī)定的方式利用土地或未按特定目的利用土地及土地分配不公平等情況下才有可能被土地委員會撤銷這些權利。在這種情況下,土地不再歸屬于政府而時由土地委員會重新分配于其他申請人。因此，這一政策是能夠實現(xiàn)農(nóng)村發(fā)展的一個主要的項目。</p>

48、<p>　　到目前為止，這些地區(qū)仍繼續(xù)準備并及時更新它們各自的綜合土地利用計劃。在土地利用規(guī)劃的編制過程中，對于各種土地用途這些社區(qū)都有重點投入。這是建立在有一個可實施及可持續(xù)的土地利用規(guī)劃的事實上的，社區(qū)應該是決定某一特定類型土地用于何種用途的決定者。然而值得一提的是,并不是所有地區(qū)都有這樣的計劃。</p><p><b>　　城市土地</b></p><p

49、>　　在博茨瓦納，城市被定義為在國有土地和部落土地上居住的所有人口在5000人以上或至少75%的勞動力從事非農(nóng)工作。一般來說，應該看這個城市能否提供其人口以類似于一個現(xiàn)代化的城市的基礎建設和環(huán)境服務設施。農(nóng)村—都市遷移在城市成長過程中扮演著重要角色。多年來，幾項城市發(fā)展政策已經(jīng)在城市區(qū)域的成長和發(fā)展過程中起了重要的引導作用。由于大部分博茨瓦納人民都生活在農(nóng)村地區(qū)這一事實,大部分發(fā)展計劃都是針對農(nóng)村地區(qū)的,但是也有幾個項目是為了改善

50、那些居住在城市區(qū)域的人們的生活情況的。例如自助住房計劃被引進來幫助那些低收入城市家庭建設屬于自己的房子。根據(jù)這項計劃,政府為各地塊提供道路、水管及廁所等基本公共服務設施,并通過權利證明書來保證宗地所有人的產(chǎn)權安全。這個項目也被用于提升在此項目設立之前已經(jīng)存在的棚戶區(qū)的條件。</p><p>　　公共設施土地的短缺已被確定為制約城市住宅發(fā)展主要因素之一。因此，一個重要的土地服務項目——土地服務促進方案被引進了。該方

51、案的目標是為城市地區(qū)的所有使用者提供土地服務，如住宅，商業(yè)和工業(yè)用地等。一個房屋署已經(jīng)成立，其職責是通過政策措施為住房開發(fā)和改善創(chuàng)造一個有利的環(huán)境。</p><p>　　城鄉(xiāng)規(guī)劃法是博茨瓦納物理環(huán)境規(guī)劃的主要立法指導，使城市和農(nóng)村地區(qū)的土地得到一個循序漸進的發(fā)展和控制。城市發(fā)展標準和發(fā)展控制法案也有利于對聚居區(qū)進行有序的規(guī)劃。城市可持續(xù)發(fā)展依賴于清潔水的供應和衛(wèi)生設施及廢物管理基礎設施的可用性。綜合治理提供環(huán)保設

52、施的人居環(huán)環(huán)境可以被視為促進可持續(xù)發(fā)展一項投資，不僅可以改善生活質量，還可以提高生產(chǎn)力，改善健康狀況并減少貧困。雖然可持續(xù)發(fā)展觀在國際舞臺上取得主導地位才只有幾年的時間，但它已成為博茨瓦納于1966年獨立以來的發(fā)展規(guī)劃目標之一。雖然只是作為一個后續(xù)發(fā)展計劃的目標，但它的意義已經(jīng)擴大到反映多年來不斷變化的發(fā)展現(xiàn)實。</p><p><b>　　南非的土地發(fā)展</b></p>&l

53、t;p>　　南非城市的形狀和形式是過去種族隔離造成的結果。當1994年南非的第一位民主選舉產(chǎn)生的政府上臺時，它繼承了，在種族隔離制度下發(fā)展形成的支離破碎的、不平等、不連貫的規(guī)劃系統(tǒng)。在種族隔離時代，按照許多不同法律、條例等的規(guī)定，當時的四個省和十個鄉(xiāng)土進行了土地發(fā)展的規(guī)劃和種族區(qū)域的劃分。但是由于缺乏協(xié)調(diào)和資源分配不均以及大量存在的“繁文縟節(jié)”使發(fā)展項目實施的很緩慢。</p><p>　　一個國家發(fā)展計劃委

54、員會被設立為土地事務部長和住房部長就規(guī)劃和發(fā)展提供建議。另外，該委員會還被要求編寫一份對種族隔離變動進行立法和對南非的土地開發(fā)過程進行反思并提出建議的綠皮書。委員會決定將重點放在了城鄉(xiāng)發(fā)展的空間規(guī)劃體系上。一個被稱為重建和發(fā)展計劃（RDP）的土地發(fā)展政策獲得了通過，該政策是一個建立在取消了種族隔離并建立了一個民主、無種族和無性別歧視的發(fā)展基礎上的綜合性和部門性的社會經(jīng)濟政策框架。這項政策的根據(jù)是一個旨在減少稀缺資源和有限容量影響的綜合發(fā)

55、展規(guī)劃。這項政策的主要目的是是要建立一個程序以便釋放適當?shù)墓餐恋赜糜谧》?、公共服務和生產(chǎn)以及娛樂目的。但在偏遠地區(qū)已經(jīng)建立的居民點仍沒有正式規(guī)劃計劃以及土地開發(fā)涉及的原位升級服務和基礎設施。</p><p>　　南非過去和現(xiàn)在的規(guī)劃是根據(jù)各省的城市規(guī)劃條例制定的。雖然遠期規(guī)劃機制早已存在，但該條例規(guī)定制定的城市規(guī)劃方案是城市規(guī)劃體系的核心。在這個制度在大多數(shù)白人、印度人和有色人種區(qū)域嚴格執(zhí)行的同時，只有簡體版本

56、后來才引入到城市鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)，進一步復雜化了土地管理制度。結果南非城市和農(nóng)村地區(qū)普遍缺乏效率、分散和不便。在很大程度上，這是歷史與空間規(guī)劃的政策和做法和實施的種族隔離思想相互作用的結果。盡管如此，幾個自 1994 年以來在地方設置并沒有重大和廣泛達成改善的跡象?！赌戏菓椃ā酚嘘P于該如合作治理，程序和參與權，以確保決策，對促進社會和經(jīng)濟權利和保護環(huán)境的責任的新憲法規(guī)定的制度創(chuàng)造必要條件，規(guī)劃軸承深刻影響的規(guī)劃。在規(guī)劃方面，立法已經(jīng)轉移，隨著發(fā)展促

57、進法，它是第一個通過國家立法規(guī)劃后，于1994年頒布的第一次民主選舉被控制，邁向規(guī)范性為基礎的導向。它是通過開始改造規(guī)劃，以滿足新的民主進程的需要。</p><p>　　《發(fā)展促進法》提出了土地開發(fā)目標的概念。這些計劃由確立一個地區(qū)發(fā)展目標和指標的政治決策者來批準。土地發(fā)展目標的意圖是要創(chuàng)造一個清晰的區(qū)域空間格局，創(chuàng)造一個積極的而不是被動的規(guī)劃制度。要求《地方政府過渡第二修正法》市政當局必須制定綜合發(fā)展計劃。綜合

58、發(fā)展計劃是一項旨在轄區(qū)的綜合開發(fā)和管理的計劃，并在編制時考慮到《開發(fā)促進法》中的一般原則。綜合發(fā)展規(guī)劃和土地開發(fā)目標的共同目的是為了配合公共機構的預算計劃。在制定土地發(fā)展目標和綜合發(fā)展計劃時，地方當局必須努力實現(xiàn)《發(fā)展促進法》原則的意圖。如果一個土地開發(fā)申請與任何土地發(fā)展目標或綜合發(fā)展計劃都不一致，該申請可能不會獲得批準，然而如果土地所有者和開發(fā)者能通過用途轉變使之既符合綜合發(fā)展計劃和土地發(fā)展目標又符合《發(fā)展促進法》的原則，則他們便可以

59、提出建議改變土地用途，事實證明這是對的。</p><p>　　南非的土地產(chǎn)權及所有權</p><p>　　土地所有權在后種族隔離時期的南非是一個有爭議的問題，長期以來一直是沖突的根源。正如在許多過渡性政治局勢的情況下，對于所有權和其他財產(chǎn)權利的角色和定義也一些不同的觀點?！赌戏菓椃ā吩诘?5章第1節(jié)中使不同的財產(chǎn)權利得到了確認。很明顯，不僅是所有權，還有其他不動產(chǎn)權利也是得到承認和保護的。

60、在憲法第25章第6節(jié)規(guī)定國家有責任通過立法手段確保由于立法和種族隔離政策使之不安全的其他形式土地所有權的安全。</p><p>　　為了糾正過去的不公正，土地事務部通過恢復原狀、重新分配和制度改革的形式啟動了一個土地改革方案。該方案導致下法案的頒布：《土地權利法》（恢復由于1913年種族歧視性立法而使其土地被剝奪的人們的土地權利），《開發(fā)促進法》（關于更快和更便宜的規(guī)劃和發(fā)展的方法），《土地改革（勞動租戶）法》（

61、關于住房保障、放牧和勞動住戶培育權），《公有財產(chǎn)協(xié)會法案》（關于建立協(xié)會來擁有、控制和處理共同財產(chǎn)），《非正式土地權利法》（臨時保護農(nóng)村地區(qū)人民的權利），《所有權延期抵押法案》（擔保延期關于勞動者比在其他農(nóng)村地區(qū)的勞動保障租戶）和《防止非法驅離及占用土地法》（關于防止非法占用土地的措施以及對住戶和居民的保護）。</p><p>　　南非土地政策的設想和戰(zhàn)略政策只是建立協(xié)調(diào)和穩(wěn)定有利于經(jīng)濟增長，這一政策出于《南非土

62、地政策白皮書》。政府土地改革方案是由土地歸還注冊（涉及退耕還林損失），土地重新分配（可以使窮人和弱勢群體在居住/土地征用補助金的幫助下購買土地）和土地制度改革（目的是使所有的人占用的土地處在一個統(tǒng)一的、具有法律確認了的土地占有制度之中）。此方案將制定土地所用權取得方式，幫助解決所有權糾紛和為在這個過程中流離失所的人提供選擇。從長遠來說，作為土地制度改革方案的一部分，政府對土地轉讓進行審批，即在國家的名義擁有所有權，是其真正的主人。白皮書

63、強調(diào)了地方參與在決策、性別平等、經(jīng)濟效益及環(huán)境可持續(xù)性在土地改革方案的執(zhí)行中的重要性。這份白皮書不僅著眼于城市地區(qū)，也針對于農(nóng)村地區(qū)。</p><p>　　南非的契約注冊制度不同于博茨瓦納的制度，它只有一個契約注冊制度，而且這個制度沒有提供對所有不同的土地使用權的法定權利進行公認的注冊。很大一部分的人口，特別是生活在非正式聚居區(qū)及公共財產(chǎn)制度仍然存在的農(nóng)村地區(qū)的人們被排除在契約注冊制度之外?！赌戏峭恋卣甙灼?/p>

64、中土地政策的一部分已經(jīng)充分利用注冊制度的發(fā)展來使得對城市和農(nóng)村地區(qū)的非正式土地權利的登記成為可能。</p><p>　　雖然政府政策提出對規(guī)劃和發(fā)展的一系列投入計劃，但《當?shù)卣灼穼ζ鋵楦玫娜司舆M行規(guī)劃作為政府計劃的中心提出了批評。新的市政規(guī)劃制度是建立在“發(fā)展當?shù)卣备拍罨A之上的，它強調(diào)把綜合發(fā)展規(guī)劃作為實現(xiàn)當?shù)卣l(fā)展的理想工具。由房屋署出版的《城市發(fā)展框架.考察了南非城市地區(qū)當前面臨的困境和現(xiàn)