99中英文雙語廣播電視編導(dǎo)新聞傳播專業(yè)畢業(yè)設(shè)計外文文獻翻譯成品電視新聞紀錄片的編輯策略

1、<p>　　此文檔是畢業(yè)設(shè)計外文翻譯成品（ 含英文原文+中文翻譯），無需調(diào)整復(fù)雜的格式！下載之后直接可用，方便快捷！本文價格不貴,也就幾十塊錢！</p><p>　　外文標題：Editing Strategies in Television News Documentaries</p><p>　　外文作者：Richard J. Schaefer</p><p

2、>　　文獻出處:Journal of Communication .2017.47(4):69 - 88 </p><p>　　英文2178單詞，12689字符，中文3785漢字。</p><p>　　Editing Strategies in Television News Documentaries</p><p>　　Richard J. Schaefe

3、r</p><p><b>　　Abstract:</b></p><p>　　This study describes the editing techniques used in four renowned television news documentaries that aired between 1954 and 1982. It is informed

4、by Peirce’s theories of signs, and realist and symbolic film theory, as well as some of the understandings common to broadcast journalists. The analysis attempts to bridge subdisciplinary boundaries to advance an accessi

5、ble vocabulary for discussing journalistic representational strategies. The prevalence of continuity and thematic editing styles, speci</p><p>　　Key Words: TV documentary,semiotics ,editing strategy,film the

6、ory,production techniques</p><p>　　For decades, culturally oriented critics have studied the routine practices of print and broadcast journalists. Altheide and Snow (1979), Epstein (1973), Glasser and Ettema

7、 (1989), McManus (1994), and Tuchman (1972, 1978) examined journalism from the broader context of organizational and professional routines. Their studies provide a functionalist alternative to journalists’ understandings

8、 of news work. The researchers described determinations of news value, attempts to balance sources, and obje</p><p>　　In light of this ethnographic perspective and a belief in the media’s social responsibili

9、ties, other researchers have relied on an information transmission model to examine journalistic representations. Gans (1979), Gitlin (1980), the Glasgow University Media Group (1982), Graber (1988), Gunter (1987), and R

10、obinson (1986) used content analyses and reception studies to support claims that standard journalistic practices often fail to meet their full potential for conveying information.</p><p>　　Patterson (1993)

11、turned to longitudinal content comparisons when considering press performance. He described recent political coverage as becoming increasingly negative and journalist centered. This more negative style privileges journal

12、ists’ voices over those of the politicians and others featured in news reports. Thus, even the journalistic practice of previous decades has been used as a basis for evaluating contemporary press practices.</p>&l

13、t;p>　　Peirce’s Semiotics and Film Theory</p><p>　　In his semiotic work, Peirce (1940) distinguished between the iconic, indexical, and symbolic qualities of signs. Iconic signs bear a resemblance to and c

14、onvey many of the details and characteristics of the objects they represent. Indeed, photographic signs are icons because they look like the objects they represent. Peirce wrote that photographic signs were also indexica

15、l, because the photo-graph is a by-product or trace of the thing it represents (much as a footprint communicates a step and a </p><p>　　According to Peirce (1940), the three different qualities of signs are

16、not exclusive. A visual image may have a combination of iconic, indexical, and symbolic overtones. The iconic and indexical qualities of contemporary imaging technologies, including film and video, have enabled audiovisu

17、al signs to rival the written transcript and written description as the most accurate representations of events. This “camera of record” approach is based on the detail evident</p><p>　　in film and video rep

18、resentations and journalistic guarantees that the images are authentic.</p><p>　　This study examined four significant and well-distributed works from a single broadcast journalism genre. It utilized a case s

19、tudy approach reinforced by a quantitative analysis of four editing variables to reveal the programs’ varied editing strategies. Therefore, it explored a frequently overlooked structural aspect of broadcast journalism.&l

20、t;/p><p>　　The Documentaries</p><p>　　Each of the four documentary telecasts aired during different periods in a genre that scholars have labeled the prestige documentary (Bluem, 1965; Carroll, 197

21、8; Freed, 1972; Rosenthal, 1988). The four programs were chosen, in part, because they achieved such notoriety that much has been written about them. The programs are still available for viewing in many public and univer

22、sity libraries. This makes it possible for readers to see the documentaries for themselves.</p><p><b>　　Coding</b></p><p>　　The programs were coded on a shot-by-shot basis. This allo

23、wed four formal variables to be tabulated for each visual transition in the documentaries. The following four variables were tabulated, because, when taken in combination, they provide insights into the prevalence of rea

24、list and montage editing strategies:</p><p>　　(1) Shot length: The duration in seconds and tenths of seconds of each visual image. This variable indicates cutting rate, or how many visual edits were made per

25、 minute. High cutting rates suggest more overtly artificial and fragmented editing strategies. Low cutting rates suggest a less fragmented “camera of record” approach to representation.</p><p>　　(2) Use of s

26、traight cuts or special effect edits: Whether visual transitions used cut edits or more elaborate special effects, such as dissolves or fades. Frequent use of the latter would typically convey a sense of artificiality an

27、d reduce classic continuity realism.</p><p>　　(3) Style of visual edit: Whether the visual edit was a continuity edit, a montage edit, a jump cut or transitional edit, or an edit that had no apparent visual

28、logic. Transitions between shots recorded at a single site and without any apparent breaks in action were characterized as continuity edits. Montage edits reinforced traditional or avant-garde symbolic understandings. If

29、 a transition could have been characterized as both a continuity and montage edit, it was counted only as a continuity </p><p>　　(4) Audiovisual synchronization: Whether or not the primary audio track was ed

30、ited with synch sound that appeared to have been recorded with the visual image. This synchronized sound would reinforce realistic interpretations. Sounds that appeared not to have been recorded on location with the visu

31、al image, and were presumably added during the editing stage, were categorized as asynchronous. The presence of such overlaid asynchronous sounds reinforces a more artificial and symbolically complex ed</p><p&

32、gt;　　Production Techniques of the Documentaries</p><p>　　Subject matter and individual producer preferences influenced the construction of the four documentaries. The relatively slow pacing (3.4 cutting rate

33、) of the 1954 McCarthy broadcast could be partly attributable to the fact that Executive Producer Edward R. Murrow rejected the quick-paced editing style common to the newsreels of the 1940s and 1950s (Yeager, 1956, p. 2

34、02). Instead, Murrow adopted a more classic realist strategy that relied on the iconicity and indexicality of “camera of record” f</p><p>　　This classic realist approach was practical because, as a prominent

35、 newsmaker, Senator McCarthy left a trail of authentic film images in his wake.Murrow and Producer Fred Friendly were able to collect those images and select clips that showed McCarthy abusing his congressional powers. A

36、lthough Murrow’s live lead-ins provided some critical context for the authenticated clips, the images of McCarthy were presented in a seemingly unmanipulated manner. This technique emphasized the indexicality of t</p&

37、gt;<p>　　Conclusion</p><p>　　The use of traditional montage and independently edited audio and visual tracks in the four documentaries appears to reinforce some press critics’ claims that there has be

38、en a noticeable rise in overtly subjective and journalist-centered reporting during the last few decades. However, it should be remembered that all these documentaries presented the strong editorial sentiments of their p

39、roducers. Even the Report on Senator McCarthy, which was most obviously grounded in classic realism, conveyed</p><p>　　Despite the fact that each of the subsequent documentaries relied more heavily on synthe

40、tic montage techniques than the previous documentaries, this four documentary analysis does not prove that broadcast journalists are now turning to montage over classic realism. To make that claim, it would be necessary

41、to conduct rigorous longitudinal analyses of larger representative samples of news, news magazines, and documentary reports.</p><p>　　In this study I have attempted to bridge some of these subdisciplinary bo

42、undaries by integrating baseline concepts and vocabulary from film theory, Peircian semiotics, and the jargon of professional journalists. Just as manipulating editing techniques advances the art of television reporting,

43、 using a commonly accessible vocabulary for analyzing the techniques of nonfictional editing can advance the art of “reading” television journalism.</p><p>　　References</p><p>　　Adatto, K. (1990

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64、t;p>　　電視新聞紀錄片的編輯策略</p><p>　　Richard J. Schaefer</p><p><b>　　摘要：</b></p><p>　　在本文中，闡述了1954年至1982年間播出的四部著名電視新聞紀錄片中使用的編輯技巧。行文包括了皮爾斯的的符號理論、現(xiàn)實主義和象征符號電影理論以及廣播記者常見的一些見解。本文試圖

65、跨越各個學(xué)科之間的界限去推進易理解的新聞詞匯的發(fā)展以討論新聞中比較有代表性的編輯策略。 文章還對連續(xù)性和主題性編輯風格、特殊過渡效果、音軌同步和不同剪輯頻率的廣泛應(yīng)用進行了定量分析，并與經(jīng)典電影現(xiàn)實主義和蒙太奇策略進行相關(guān)聯(lián)。通過定量分析的結(jié)果以及對每部紀錄片中結(jié)構(gòu)上細微差別的案例研究分析說明網(wǎng)絡(luò)記者都是用了各種具有代表性的編輯策略。每個紀錄片的結(jié)構(gòu)細微差別的定量結(jié)果和比較案例研究分析說明了網(wǎng)絡(luò)記者使用的各種代表性策略。 根據(jù)分析學(xué)者的

66、論述探討了這些發(fā)現(xiàn)的結(jié)果并表明電視報道越來越以記者為中心了。</p><p>　　關(guān)鍵詞：電視紀錄片，符號學(xué)，編輯策略，電影理論，制作技巧</p><p>　　近幾十年以來，以文化為導(dǎo)向的評論家們研究了紙質(zhì)和廣播記者的日常工作實踐。 Altheide 和 Snow（1979），Epstein（1973），Glasser和Ettema（1989），McManus（1994）和Tuchman（

67、1972,1978）從更廣泛的組織和職業(yè)慣例的角度去研究了新聞。他們的研究為記者對新聞工作的理解提供了實用的替代方案。研究人員描述了新聞價值的要素并嘗試去平衡新聞來源以及平衡客觀的代表風格，并以此去努力轉(zhuǎn)移批評和合法新聞實踐。通過歸化網(wǎng)絡(luò)記者的專業(yè)慣例，他們就能夠通過更有效地制作新聞和報告來滿足商業(yè)需求。</p><p>　　按照這種種族志電影的觀點和對媒體社會責任的信仰，其他研究人員依靠信息傳遞模型來檢驗新聞的

68、表達。甘斯（1979），吉特林（1980），格拉斯哥大學(xué)媒體集團（1982），Graber（1988），Gunter（1987）和Robinson（1986）使用內(nèi)容分析和讀者接收研究來支持這一種說法，那就是常規(guī)的新聞表達在充分發(fā)揮信息傳遞潛力時難以達到令人滿意的效果。</p><p>　　當皮特森（1993）在考慮紙質(zhì)新聞的表現(xiàn)時他也會去關(guān)注新聞內(nèi)容的比較。他闡述到最近的政治報道越來越消極，而且都是以記者為中心

69、。這種更負面的報道風格使記者們比新聞報道中的政治家和其他人的聲音更具有特權(quán)。 因此，即使是幾十年以前就用慣的新聞報道慣例仍然可以被用作評估當代新聞實踐的基礎(chǔ)。</p><p>　　皮爾斯的符號學(xué)與電影理論</p><p>　　在皮爾斯的符號學(xué)作品中，皮爾斯（1940）區(qū)分了符號的圖標、索引詞和象征詞。圖標符號與它們所代表的物體具有相似之處并傳達其中的許多細節(jié)和特征。實際上，攝影符號就是圖標

70、，因為它們看起來像它們所代表的物體。 皮爾斯寫道攝影符號也是索引式的，因為照片圖是它所代表東西的副產(chǎn)品或痕跡（就像足跡傳達了一個步伐而風向標代表著風向）。符號也具有象征屬性可以傳達任意和常見的意義。象征意義不是源于符號與實際事物的關(guān)系，甚至連其在更廣泛的符號論證中的常規(guī)用法都不是。</p><p>　　皮爾斯（1940）認為，三種不同性質(zhì)的符號并不是獨一無二的。視覺圖像可以同時具有標志性、索引性和符號性。包括電影

71、和視頻在內(nèi)的當代成像技術(shù)的標志性和索引性使得視聽符號與書面新聞報道描述相媲美并可以看作是最準確的事件代表。這種“記錄式相機”方法是基于電影和視頻中圖像表現(xiàn)出的真實明顯細節(jié)。</p><p><b>　　研究方法</b></p><p>　　本次研究從單一的廣播新聞類型角度去考察了這四部重要且有名的紀錄片作品。 它采用了案例研究方法，通過對四個編輯變量的定量分析以揭示紀

72、錄片節(jié)目的各種編輯策略。 因此，它還探討了廣播新聞中經(jīng)常被忽視的結(jié)構(gòu)方面。</p><p>　　這四部電視紀錄片中以同一個類型在不同的時期播出，有學(xué)者已經(jīng)標記了它們是有名的紀錄片（Bluem，1965; Carroll，1978; Freed，1972; Rosenthal，1988）。之所以選擇這四部紀錄片的部分原因是因為他們?nèi)〉昧巳绱司薮蟮某删?，并就它們寫了很多報道。這些紀錄片仍可在許多公共和大學(xué)圖書館中去觀

73、看。這使得讀者可以自己查看這些紀錄片。246</p><p><b>　　編輯策略</b></p><p>　　這些節(jié)目是逐個編碼的。 這就使得紀錄片中的每個視覺轉(zhuǎn)換就可編制成了四個正式變量。 將以下四個變量制成表格，因為在組合時，它們提供了對現(xiàn)實主義和蒙太奇編輯策略的普遍性的見解：</p><p>　　鏡頭長度：每個視覺圖像的持續(xù)時間，以秒和

74、十分之一秒為單位。 此變量表示剪輯速率，或每分鐘進行多少次視覺剪輯。 高剪輯率表明更加明顯的人為和瑣碎的編輯策略。 較低的剪輯率表明一種較少片段式的“記錄相機”表達方法。</p><p>　　使用直線剪輯或特殊效果編輯：可以使用使用剪輯編輯來作為視覺過渡或用更精細的特殊效果，比如溶解或淡化。經(jīng)常使用后者手法的通常會傳達一種人為感并降低經(jīng)典的連續(xù)性現(xiàn)實主義效果。</p><p>　?。?）視

75、覺編輯風格：視覺編輯可以是連續(xù)性編輯、蒙太奇編輯、跳躍式剪輯或是過渡性編輯，還可以是沒有明顯視覺邏輯的編輯。連續(xù)性編輯是指在單個站點記錄的鏡頭之間的過渡并且沒有任何明顯的中斷編輯行為。蒙太奇編輯強化了傳統(tǒng)或前衛(wèi)的符合性理解。如果過渡性編輯可以被描述為連續(xù)性編輯和蒙太奇編輯，那么它就僅被視為連續(xù)性技術(shù)，因為它在連續(xù)性序列中的使用促成了更具標志性和索引性的現(xiàn)實解釋。視覺上的跳轉(zhuǎn)使觀眾會意識到節(jié)目已通過編輯壓縮。因此，它們就破壞了連續(xù)性，給人

76、一種錯覺。過渡性編輯有時被認為是一種特定類型的連續(xù)性編輯。它們通常從建筑物的外部鏡頭或外部細節(jié)開始，然后過渡到建筑物內(nèi)的場景鏡頭。最后，鏡頭之間的一些過渡缺乏清晰的視覺邏輯并因此就被標記為這樣。</p><p>　?。?）視聽上的同步：無論主要音頻軌道是否用同步音頻去編輯，那似乎已經(jīng)可以用可視圖像去記錄了。這種同步的聲音將會使紀錄片更有解釋性。紀錄片的聲音似乎沒有用可視圖像去記錄，而且還有可能在編輯階段被添加，這

77、就被歸類為異步。這種疊加的異步聲音的存在強化了人為和象征性復(fù)雜的編輯策略。</p><p>　　電視紀錄片的制作技巧</p><p>　　電視紀錄片中主題的重要性和個人制作者的偏好影響了這四部紀錄片的構(gòu)建。 1954年麥卡錫廣播的相對緩慢的電視畫面節(jié)拍（3.4剪輯率）可能部分歸因于執(zhí)行制片人愛德華墨羅拒絕使用20世紀40年代和50年代新聞片中的常見編輯風格（椰格爾，1956，p 202）。

78、相反，默羅采用了一種更為經(jīng)典的現(xiàn)實主義策略，該策略依賴于麥卡錫扮演政治惡霸的“記錄式相機”鏡頭的圖像性和索引性。</p><p>　　這種經(jīng)典現(xiàn)實主義方法很實用，因為作為一名著名的新聞人，參議員麥卡錫在他的身后留下了一系列真實的電影形象.墨羅和制片人福瑞德弗蘭德里能夠收集這些圖像并選擇能表達麥卡錫濫用其國會權(quán)力的片段。雖然默羅所導(dǎo)演的這部紀錄片經(jīng)證實是在剪輯的環(huán)境中完成的 ，但麥卡錫的圖像卻以一種看似不受約束的方

79、式呈現(xiàn)。這種技術(shù)強調(diào)了圖像的索引性可以作為真實事件的痕跡。因此，參議員自己的行為似乎不僅僅是對麥卡錫發(fā)表主觀攻擊，而是要讓觀眾自己做出判斷。</p><p><b>　　結(jié)論</b></p><p>　　在四部電視紀錄片中，使用了傳統(tǒng)蒙太奇和獨立編輯的視聽曲目似乎強化了一些媒體評論家的說法，也就是在過去的幾十年中新聞報道的公開主觀和以記者為中心明顯得以強化。但是，應(yīng)該

80、要記住的是所有這些紀錄片都表達了其制作人的強烈編輯偏好。即使是最明顯以經(jīng)典現(xiàn)實主義為基礎(chǔ)的塞納托爾麥卡錫報告也傳達了其制作人的主觀編輯偏好。實際上，通過強調(diào)圖像的索引屬性，經(jīng)典現(xiàn)實主義的表現(xiàn)手法可以以看似客觀和非分散的方式呈現(xiàn)主觀論點 - 這種方式甚至比蒙太奇策略更不容易明顯地去表達偏頗的意見。因此，如果經(jīng)典現(xiàn)實主義的表現(xiàn)手法讓位于更多蒙太奇結(jié)構(gòu)式的新聞報道，那么旁觀者們就更有可能會注意到記者在當代電視報道中所采取的編輯立場。</

81、p><p>　　雖然后期出現(xiàn)的每一部紀錄片都比以前的紀錄片更依賴于合成蒙太奇技術(shù)，但對這四部紀錄片的分析并未證明廣播記者們現(xiàn)在正從經(jīng)典現(xiàn)實主義轉(zhuǎn)向蒙太奇。 為了驗證這種說法，有必要對新聞、新聞雜志和文獻報道的更多的具有代表性的樣本進行嚴格的縱向分析。</p><p>　　在這項研究中，我試圖通過整合基線概念和電影理論、皮爾斯的符號學(xué)以及專業(yè)記者的術(shù)語表達來跨越其中各個學(xué)科間的界限。正如去操縱電

82、視編輯技術(shù)從而推動電視報道藝術(shù)一樣，使用常用的可理解的詞匯來分析非虛構(gòu)的編輯技術(shù)可以推動人們?nèi)ァ敖庾x”電視新聞業(yè)的藝術(shù)。</p><p><b>　　參考文獻</b></p><p>　　Adatto, K. (1990, May 28). The incredible shrinking sound bite. New Republic, pp. 20–23.<

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